Abstract

Not much seems to have changed in the context of the relationship between the black community and the police. History details a legacy of unlawful and discriminatory treatment black people faced at the hands of the police and how it has impacted on their perceptions of, and attitudes towards the police. From the 'sus laws' under the Vagrancy Act 1824 to the more commonly used 'no-suspicion' stop and searches under PACE Act 1984 today, black people, particularly young men, continue to feel at odds with the police. Hence, the Brixton Riots 1981 and Summer 2011 Riots, were said to have originated from the unfair and disproportional treatment of the black community. Existing literature has revealed a homogeneity in negative attitudes towards and perceptions of the police held by black men - a vast majority of which is limited to the US context. This dissertation investigates the perception and attitudes of young Black British men towards the police. In using a focus group research method, this dissertation concludes that; early socialisation, negative encounters with the police and police use of Stop and Search powers, all contribute to the negative perceptions and attitudes young black men hold towards the police.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….iii

Chapter 1 – Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….1

Chapter 2 – Literature Review……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3

The History Between Black People and The Police………………………………………………………………………3

Perceptions of the Police held by Black Men……………………………………………………………………………….4

Disproportionate Treatment: The Problem is Stop and Search……………………………………………………6

Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7

Chapter 3 – Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….9

Research Paradigm……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………9

Research Method………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………9

Sampling………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….11

Data Analysis…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...11

Reflexivity…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………12

Ethical Issues…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….13

Chapter 4 – When I Was a Boy, I Did not Know What to Think……………………………………………………………15

Chapter 5 – Not Much Has Change: General Perceptions of the Police………………………………………… ……20

Chapter 6 – Why Do they always Stop and Search me?...........................................................................25

Chapter 7 – Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………32

References……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………34

Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..45

Appendix 1: Research ethics checklist duly completed……………………………………………………………….45

Appendix 2: Participant Information Sheet……………………………………………………………………………….50

Appendix 3: Informed Consent Form…………………………………………………………………………………………53

Appendix 4: GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation) Privacy Notice…………………………………..54

Appendix 5: Focus Group Guide………………………………………………………………………………………………..55

Acknowledgements

I would firstly like to thank God almighty who is the author and finisher of all things, who in his word reminded me that 'I can do all things through Christ who strengthens me.' Philippians 4:13. I owe the completion of this dissertation to God, who gave me the grace to see this day. Praise be to God. Hallelujah!

I would also like to thank my dissertation supervisor, Professor Bill Dixon, who is an esteemed professor and educator - I am sure we can all agreed. Bill has supported me not just for my dissertation, but throughout my entire academic career at The University of Nottingham. So, to him, I extend enormous appreciations.

Lastly, I would like the thank, my friends and family, for their immense support and encouragement throughout the dissertation process. I would especially like to appreciate my mum, who was my rock and safe space throughout this process. To that end, I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my mum as an acknowledgement of all her hard work supporting me through university.

Chapter 1 - Introduction

Following the increase of police recorded violent crimes involving a knife or sharp instrument over the last five years (Office for National Statistics 2020a), the young black male demographic in society has become subject to considerable media attention and disproportionate use of police Stop and Search powers (BBC 2019 and Dearden 2019). In an attempt to reduce these violent crimes, Home Secretary Sajid Javid, in March 2019, instructed seven police forces who preside over mostly urban areas to adopt a 'no-suspicion' approach to their Stop and Search powers (Brown 2019a). Tiratelli et al. (2018) found evidence that Stop and Searches have only a marginal impact on crime reduction. The Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) (2010) previously argued that Stop and Searches, having any positive impact on crime reduction, are outweighed by its negative impact on police-community relations (cited in Brown 2019b). Seeing as black people are now 9.7 times more likely to be stopped and search than white people (Home Office 2019a), feelings of distrust, hostility, and lack of confidence, are heightened towards the police within the black community (Lammy 2017). Some scholars have likened the disproportionality in Stop and Searches to the discriminatory and prejudicial attitudes of some police officers (McAra and McVie 2005 and Bowling and Phillips 2007). In light of this, research into the perceptions and attitudes young black males hold towards the police is essential. As critical stakeholders in debates for more relaxed Stop and Search powers, their voices detailing stories of its injustice must not go unheard.

Several studies have previously sought to identify common perceptions of and attitudes towards the police by black men (Leiber et al. 1998; Sharp and Atherton 2007 and Norman 2009). Many of these studies are limited to the context of the United States (Brunson and Miller 2006 and Skogan 2006). There also remains a small amount of research on the influences of race, class, and gender (Smith 1997 and Weitzer and Tuch 2002). However, what is lacking in research is a detailed exploration of the experiences, attitudes and perceptions of those individuals who make up the Black British male intersectional subgroup in society. This essay will, therefore, address these research gaps through an empirical study of the young Black British male perception of and attitude toward the police - unlike other studies that have relied on survey and interview data (Brunson and Miller 2006) to capture these perceptions. This dissertation adopts a qualitative focus group method, manipulating a natural conversation between friends (Slivers 2004), to further dissect the commonality in the young Black British male perceptions of and attitudes towards the police, this being the main aim of my research. Thus, the research objectives are as follows: (a) identify the negative perceptions of the police held by young Black British males; (b) assess how vicarious experiences impact on perceptions of the police and (c) determine how impactful negative experiences with the police are on perceptions of them.

This essay will proceed as follows. Chapter Two will contextualise and review the existing literature, and Chapter Three will then discuss the research process. Chapters Four, Five and Six will each address the three key research findings: Early socialisation of perceptions, General perception, and Impact of Stop and Search powers, respectively. While Chapter Seven then summarizes the dissertation, highlighting possible measures needed to improve the relationship between the police and the black community.

Chapter 2 - Literature Review

The History Between Black People and The Police

When trying to engage in a discussion about the relationship that exists between black communities and the police today, it is crucial to consider the history that paved its way. As far back as the 1950s 'successive generations of black people in Britain have felt under-protected as victims and over-policed as suspects' (Palmer 2012: 56). Palmer (2012) added that the justification for this treatment was the disproportionate involvement of black males in particular forms of criminality. However, Reiner's (2010: 10) typology of discrimination, 'a process he describes as resulting in some social categories being over-represented as targets of police action…' –is, perhaps, a better justification for such treatment. Statistical discrimination, occurring when differential treatment results from a group being stereotyped as being more criminal than another group without any evidential basis (Reiner 2010), is in essence, the discrimination many [young] black people faced then and are still facing now.

During the 1970s, many Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups campaigned vigorously against the 'sus laws', which under the Vagrancy Act 1824 allowed police officers to arrest people suspected of loitering with intent to commit a crime' (Home Office 2001: 50). Thus, collective feelings of the police overusing their powers and insufficient grounds in justifying them started to grow amongst young black men (Norris et al. 1992 and Shelby 2002). Consequently, these feelings sparked the breakdown of relationship between the police and black communities (Home Office 2001). In the same year that the 'sus laws' were abolished, Lord Scarman's (1981) report on the Brixton riots highlighted the overuse of its historic power and that there were poor relations between the Metropolitan Police and young black Londoners (Home Office 2001; Palmer 2012 and Keeling 2017).

Although my research is not interested in the history of Black people in Britain, an exploration of this history is necessary for contextualising the perceptions and attitudes of young black men towards the police today. Despite the 'sus laws' being abolished over 40 years ago, the legacy of those laws still live on in the collective memory of young black people, but most especially older black people who continue to pass on their perceptions of the police to their children (Bell and Nkomo 1998 and Brunson and Weitzer 2011).

Perceptions of the Police held by Black Men

Existing literature detailing the perceptions of the police held by black males supports statistics on their lower levels of confidence in the police compared to other ethnic groups overtime (Office for National Statistics 2020). Much of this literature tends to focus its attention towards the experiences, attitudes, and disproportionate treatment, i.e. Stop and Search, of young black men, as contributing to the 'collective hostility' and negative perceptions they hold towards the police (Smith 1997: 753). Comparably, Skogan (2006) suggested that 'contact with the police has an asymmetrical effect on feelings of trust' (cited in Quinton 2015: 77). He, therefore suggests that the perceptions of the police held by young black males are informed, either by a positive encounter that tends to have often a small positive effect on trust or a negative encounter that certainly has a detrimental effect on trust (Southgate and Crisp 1992; Skogan 1994 and Skogan 2006).

Furthermore, research on attitudes towards the police has consistently found, 'that legal cynicism is much more prevalent among minorities than whites' (Brunson and Miller 2006: 617 and Weitzer and Tuch 2002). Further analysis found that 'legal cynicism and dissatisfaction with the police' were strongly correlated with poor and disadvantaged communities (Sampson and Bartusch 1998 and Anderson 1999). Alternatively, Weitzer and Tuch (2002) also offered that social class plays a role in shaping minority attitudes towards the police. Some studies showed evidence of middle-class and professional black people having 'stronger negative perceptions of police injustice and disapproval of racial profiling' (Brunson and Miller 2006: 617; Hagan and Albonetti 1982 and Weitzer and Tuch 2002).

Sharp and Atherton's (2007: 476) study characterised the attitudes and perceptions of young people from ethnic minority groups towards the police as being those of 'hostility, lack of confidence in the police and a mistrust of authority'. This study found that a commonly held belief among young minority ethnic males, particularly black males, was that 'police officers routinely discriminate against people based on racial stereotypes or prejudice' and are, therefore, 'motivated, to a greater or lesser extent by racist beliefs' (Sharp and Atherton 2007: 753). One of their participants described young (black) people coming to the attention of the police for only made them 'fair game' for repeated stops and searches on the streets' (Sharp and Atherton 2007: 754). Desmoyers-Davis (2003) discovered in an earlier study that police prejudices are embedded within the police force and undoubtedly impacted on how certain groups perceived them, either through direct or indirect contact. Weitzer and Tuch (2002: 452) had also identified that racial profiling was an issue that related to negative perceptions of the police. Thus, concluding that experiencing racial discrimination from the police 'can have lasting, adverse effects' on one's perceptions of the police (Tyler and Waslak 2004).

In comparison, Norman (2009: 367) highlighted that only 'some' black males felts as though the police targeted them because of their ethnicity. Unlike previous studies, a proportion of Norman's (2009) study consisted of participants who were more likely to offer positive than negative perceptions of the police, Metropolitan Police Service cadets. A much more recent study (BMG Research 2018: 39) indicated that respondents from Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) backgrounds, more specifically black respondents, were not only 'significantly more likely to feel satisfied with the outcome of their contact' with the police, but also 'significantly more likely to feel safer after their last interaction' with the police. We can certainly question the credibility of both of these studies, considering that Norman (2009) and BMG Research (2018) both had their studies commission by the Metropolitan Police Service and Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services, respectively. Thus, making it difficult to rule out whether their research posed any conflicts of interest. Alternatively, even though the BMG's Research (2018) report does not directly answer my research questions, the report does, however, provide some context in that, for BME people, findings may be valid. However, what it does not tell us is the feelings of the specific intersectional subgroup my research is investigating. Similarly, the language used in Norman's (2009) study implied that contrary to the majority negative perceptions of young black males held in previous research, his study indicated that there was only 'some' shared these negative perceptions.

Disproportionate Treatment: The Problem is Stop and Search

To further understand the full scope of attitudes and perceptions that young black males have towards and of the police, we cannot neglect to discuss police powers of Stop and Search. The Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE) states that the principles governing Stop and Search 'must be used fairly, responsibly, with respect for people being searched and without unlawful discrimination' (Home Office 2014: 4). Therefore, while conducting a Stop and Search, police officers 'have a duty to have regard to the need to eliminate unlawful discrimination, harassment and victimisation and to take steps to foster good relations' (Home Office 2014: 4). However, for BME people the repeated use of police Stop and Search powers against them has become a 'symbol of their perceptions that there is a culture of unlawful discrimination within the police' (EHRC 2010: 11). Thus, bringing into question the perceived legitimacy of the police within the BME communities. Moreover, Sharp and Atherton (2007: 753) found that 'over-exposure to police attention' and the intrusive use of Stop and Search powers, 'leads directly to a lack of trust and confidence in the police'. Bowling and Phillips (2007: 936) in their research also argued that 'nothing has been more damaging to the relationship between the police and the black community than the ill-judged use of Stop and Search power'.

The EHRC (2010: 3), explained that evidence from their 'Stop and Think' movement, suggested that 'some forces [were] exercising their powers not based on intelligence or reasonable suspicion but stereotypical assumptions'. As such this approach to policing no doubt 'erodes trust and makes co-operation harder', not just between young black males, but also society at large, particularly the black community, who have negative attitudes towards Stop and Search (Keeling 2017). Recent government statistics on the disproportionality of Stop and Search could, to some degree, exemplify the ever-existing application of discrimination, prejudice and targeting of black people by police officers. While the 'proportion of Stop and Searches conducted on White suspects decreased from 75% in 2014/15 to 59% in 2018/19, it increased from 13% to 22% for Black suspects' (Ministry of Justice 2020: 17). Similarly, the 'year ending March 2019, those who identify as Black or Black British were 9.7 times as likely to be stopped than those who identify as White' (Home Office 2019a: 15). These disparities' are partly subject to the 'street availability' theory, to discussed further in Chapter Three.

Summary

This review of the existing literature has uncovered that research into the black male's perceptions of and attitudes towards the police focus mainly on the experiences of young black males or black males as one homogenous group. This review has also identified that either negative or positive perceptions and attitudes held by black people are likely to be influenced by one's sociocultural contexts, direct or indirect interactions with the police, and the disproportionate and perceived, fair or unjust, treatment of stop and search. Although there are noticeable gaps in the literature, for example, not much attention has been paid to the experiences of young black females and middle-class black people. Likewise, there is yet to be a comparative study on the differences and similarities of Black British and African American males experience, perceptions, and attitudes of the police. Frankly, my research does not intend to fill in those gaps at this time. However, by employing the use of a qualitative focus group method, my research hopes to further uncover the commonality in perceptions of and attitudes towards the police held by young Black British males, through their raw and honest testimonials. My research also hopes to identify what the after-effects of a negative police encounter are for young black man trying to navigate his way through society.

Chapter 3 - Methodology

Research Paradigm

My dissertation employed a qualitative research method of focus group interviewing. Grounding my choice of this methodological approach is an interpretivist research paradigm, concerned with how the 'social world is interpreted, understood, experienced, produced or constituted' (Mason 2002: 3). Similarly, an interpretivist approach recognises that 'social meanings, interpretations, practices, discourses, processes and constructions' (Mason 2002: 3) are all essential elements to understanding 'a complex – possibly multi-layered and textured – social world' (Mason 2002: 3). For this reason, the strength of qualitative research comes from the fact that 'it cannot be neatly pigeon-holed and reduced to a simple and prescriptive set of principles' (Manson 2002: 3). My research is grounded in the assumption that there is a commonality in the perceptions of young black males towards the police and the detrimental aftereffects of negative encounters with police, as existing literature has revealed some injustice and disproportionate treatment against [young] black people (Smith 1997; Bowling and Philips 2002 and Quinton 2015). Therefore, my research seeks to answer the following questions:

1. What are the attitudes and perceptions of young black men towards the police in England and Wales?

2. What is the impact of negative experiences of young black men on their attitudes and perceptions towards the police?

Research Method

Four participants sat the focus group, all of whom fitted the desired criteria of self-identifying as a Black British male between the age of 18 – 25. This age group was important because it eliminated the involvement of potential gatekeepers and reflected the subgroup of black people that are most likely to encounter the police.

Although, McNeill and Chapman (2005: 65) claim that focus groups may not be 'representative of the general population', I found that not having a high number of participants did not take away from the informative and insightful discussion my participants had - even if it could be said to lack generalisability. Although some would argue quantitative research methods would provide more generalisable data (Lillis 2006), I was particularly interested in 'allowing [my participants] to explore their attitudes and experiences' about the police 'in their own words', in a 'secure, comfortable and confidential environment' (McNeill and Chapman 2005: 65).

The reason I choose this method of research is that focus groups 'not only measure the extent of an opinion; they can investigate the reason why it was formed' (McNeill and Chapman 2005:65). This idea was reflected nicely in my research as I found that participants would often question or probe an opinion if it did not particularly resonate with them. As my research looks at the attitudes and perceptions of one demographic in society – the young Black British male – I found that conducting a focus group yielded much more rich and insightful data because it reflected a naturalistic environment, much like an everyday conversation between friends (Silvers 2004).

Even though my focus group was not investigating behavioural interactions, I noticed that while playing the video all participants had similar disapproving and irritating reactions to what they were watching, which of course followed in their collective response to the video1. The video1 showed a young black man, being forcibly restrained by the Metropolitan following a stop and search for supposedly smoking weed on the streets. My motivation for showing this video1 halfway through the focus group, and not at the start, was to ensure that participant reactions and opinions about the police were not influenced by the video1.

Lastly, the focus group being around 50 minutes long was a good reflection of the very in-depth conservation that my participants had. As the facilitator of the focus group, I did not have to do much probing nor encouraging of the 'less vocal members of the group' (McNeill and Chapman 2005: 65). Members of the focus group sought for clarification and elaboration (Roulston 2012) themselves when they were unclear about what one another said.

Sampling

Purposive sampling was used to identify the participants for my research. This choice of sampling method allowed me deliberate choice of my participants due to the qualities they possessed (McNeil and Chapman 2005 and Etikan et al. 2016). Participants had to self-identify as 'British', 'black', and 'male' and between the age of 18-25. These requirements were necessary for fulfilling the target population for my dissertation, where I could be sure that my participants would be 'proficient and well-informed' (Etikan et al. 2016: 2) to the discuss the tensions that existed between the police and the young black male demographic, from a personal perspective.

All participants were drawn from the University of Nottingham student population and were approached through personal connections (friends of friends). Although my participants study in Nottingham, they are all originally from London; meaning that they all had insider knowledge of what it feels like, either personally or vicariously, to be policed by the Metropolitan Police. Participants were selected on their 'willingness to participate, and their ability to communicate experiences and opinions in an articulate, expressive, and reflective manner' (Etikan et al. 2016: 2).

Data Analysis

The focus group transcript was analysed and coded, to provide 'an accessible, systematic, and rigorous approach to theme development' (Clarke et al. 2015: 223). Using a deductive and semantic approach (Clarke et al. 2015: 225) to coding my data, I was able to identify the material relevant to my research questions. Then organise them into recurrent themes (Clarke et al. 2015) that then formed the focus of my discussion chapters. For example, in almost every question asked during the focus group, police powers to Stop and Search came up repeatedly.

Reflexivity

As the sole researcher of this dissertation, it is almost sure that my subjectivities towards my research topic will feature in some way within the research processes. My own 'belief systems' (Denzin and Lincoln 1994: 3) have, in some way, influenced why I wish to study the attitudes and perceptions of young black males towards the police. As a member of the Black British community myself, I have grown up around the notion that many black people, especially men, do not have a very positive outlook of the police - referring to them often as "pigs". However, when I was younger, I had never given much thought to the negative image of the police. Perhaps this is because I am female, and according to Chigwada (2013), males are more likely to encounter the police. Alternatively, perhaps it is because I never found myself in situations that warranted police intervention. The image of policing that I allowed myself to have growing up reflected the hardworking, crime-solving, justice-serving, and cohesive community of police officers enlisted to serve and protect the community, evident in the popular TV crime drama 'The Bill'.

However, now that I am much older and have had the opportunity to engage with and understand broader social issues, I am confronted by a much more negative set of attitudes and perceptions base on experiences from my participants. Hence, why now I feel so strongly about understanding and exploring (Gubrium and Holstein 2002) the depth of distrust many young black men have towards the police and what I, an aspiring police officer can do to alter such perceptions.

As a key 'instrument' (Pezalla et al. 2012) within my research, I cannot ignore the characteristics I posse that may potentially influence my data and findings. The most noticeable characteristic of mine would, of course, be my ethnicity. Kreuter (2011) suggested that I, as a member of the Black British community alone will affect the types of responses, I got from the focus groups discussion questions. Moreover, I highly doubt my participants would have been able to speak freely about their grievances with (white) police officers, had it been that a much older, white man facilitating the focus group. So, then my ethnicity gave me the necessary legitimate insider knowledge (Rhodes 1994 and Few et al. 2003) to allow my participants to speak freely among themselves in my presence. For example, one participant felt comfortable enough to share his unapologetically negative attitude towards the police because of experiences that were somewhat traumatic for him.

Ethical Issues

Before conducting my fieldwork for this research, I considered the potential ethical issues involved, to ensure the wellbeing of my participants, and myself. First, I submitted an ethical clearance application to the school of Sociology and Social Policy's Research Ethics Committee, which was later approved. Second, all participants, as per the informed consent requirement of this research, were fully briefed on the nature and objects of my study, as well as how their data will be collected, used, and published (Orb et al. 2001 and Hoeyer et al. 2005). This information was given to all participants in well detailed and comprehensive information sheet and consent form, that all participants read and signed.

Participants were informed of their rights to withdraw from my study and given a chance to ask any questions before the focus group began, making sure participants understood the full extent of their participation. During this time, one of my participants asked just how open and honest I would like them to be about their personal and vicarious experiences of police-initiated interactions. I had stressed that their data would remain confidential, so they were free to share as much as they felt comfortable to do so. Likewise, I emphasised that in the publication of their data will be anonymised and assigned a participant code, Black British Male 1 (BBM 1), to protect their identity.

Throughout this research, it become apparent that care needed to be taken to avoid harm sustained by my participants, especially concerning their psychological welfare (Sanjari et al. 2014), as my study draws on the consideration of sensitive topics such as prejudice, racism, race and police violence. For example, participant BBM 1 shared an incident where he had a traumatic experience with the police that resulted from being racially abused by them and other watching. While stories and experiences like these are necessary for understanding the scope of the opinions and attitudes held by young black males towards the police, I had to ensure my integrity and respect towards the information shared, and encourage my participants to do the same.

Chapter 4 - When I Was a Boy, I Did not Know What to Think

My grandfather had to deal with the cops, my great-grandfather dealt with the cops, my great grandfather had to deal with the cops, and then my great, great, great, great, when’s it gonna stop?! - KRS-One

The analysis of the focus group highlighted that two things equally informed perceptions of the police for participants. First, early socialisation from parents, family members and friends sharing their thoughts and experiences about the police. Second, an understanding of the history of black people in society, in contempt with authorities such as the police, also went some way in shaping participants early perceptions of the police.

Applicable to the first finding, existing literature has identified that people develop learned perceptions about the police through 'other mechanisms, including… family, friends and other social networks' (Rosenbaum 2005: 346). Two participants recounted that from their early childhood, the experiences and attitudes of family and friends around them had a lot to do with how they grew up viewing the police. Some research in this field (Son et al. 1997; Rosenbaum 2005 and Weitzer and Tuch 2006) suggests that vicarious experiences of the police can be just as compelling as personal experiences in influencing attitudes towards the police. Subsequently, such attitudes only perpetuated negative perceptions of the police during participants younger years for these participants:

For myself when I was younger, I actually used to hate the police, because I didn't really know anything else. It was just family members, cousins telling me stories and me being stopped myself. [BBM 3]

Another participant also illustrated the idea that families and friends, can lay the foundations of one's attitudes towards and perceptions of the police (Brunson and Weitzer 2011). However, until one unfortunate encounter with the police happens to a person directly, one's mind is still open to be swayed.

When I was younger, I would hear kind of… I feel like when I was really young, you don't have any kind of opinions, all you were just thinking about is the stereotypical, Oh I want to be a fireman, a police… you don't really have any perceptions. But when you get to like 8-9, they you start to hear stories from like older people. So, I feel like I heard stories from family members and then I have like a perception. Then when I got stopped and searched when I was 13, I feel like that solidified it and then because everyone around me, same age and culture, say the same things, I kind of adopted that same mentality. [BBM 1]

Both of these responses reflect that growing up with the knowledge of someone else's, either good or bad, experience with the police will have a 'corresponding influence' on attitudes towards the police (Rosenbaum 2005: 346). It is almost normal to expect that, among the young black demographic, negative information, especially with police encounters, is more newsworthy than any positive encounter. Therefore, it is more likely to be shared between others, ineffective influencing how others are likely to view the police (Rosenbaum 2005).

Brunson and Weitzer (2011: 439) found that many adults do not trust the police, so instil such distrust in their children as a means to armour them (Bell and Nkomo 1998; Dottolo and Stewart 2008 and Brunson and Weitzer 2011). BBM 4 alluded to this idea during the discussion:

If you have got your dad telling you that they don't like the police, it is hard for a son to kinda like act differently as well. [BBM 4]

The process of 'intergenerational transmission of norms regarding the police' (Brunson and Weitzer 2011: 436) becomes applicable here. Where black parents socialise their children into being 'resilient and emotionally tough when they encounter racism' (Brunson and Weitzer 2011: 427), or more relevant to this research, the police. Some scholars have used the term "armouring" also to describe this process. Adding that parents do this in the hopes of giving their children an avenue to 'develop a protective shield as a buffer against unsavoury elements of the outside world' (Bell and Nkomo 1998: 286). One mother in their (Dottolo and Stewart 2008) study, expressed that she tries to prepare her son for future discrimination (Fine and Weis 1998). Reminding him always, that '"simply" being a black man is enough to be deemed suspicious by the police' (Dottolo and Stewart: 357). This form of intergeneration socialisation (Brunson and Weitzer 20011) is enough to reinforce, negative attitudes and lack of trust and confidence in the police by young black males. BBM 1 also recognised the effects of intergenerational socialisation/transmission (Brunson and Weitzer 2011) as he added to BBM 4's statement that:

So, you think what is happening is like a knock-on effect from then because things get passed down. So, if your parents or your grandparents are saying the police did this or that, it is like a self-fulfilling prophecy. [BBM 1]

Data analysis brought to light that the legacy of past events also shaped the perceptions and attitudes participants had towards the police. Existing literature revealed that in the 1950s 'successive generations of black people in Britain had felt under-protected as victims and over-policed as suspects' (Palmer 2012: 56). Participant responses acknowledged the likely effects of history repeating itself on current perceptions:

Because like, when we first came in the 50s, that generation was every hardworking, they wanted to just work, there wasn't like gangs and stuff, but the police were still targeting them. [BBM 1]

It is just almost upsetting that black people have been marginalised, like even what you said like in the 50s, they were marginalised straight away. [BBM 4]

Such realisation is crucial when trying to understand how young black men of today see the police. As with intergenerational socialisation and transmission (Brunson and Weitzer 2011), what is evident is that the experiences from the past affect how we, or in this case, young black males see the police, whether it be positive or negative.

It is not uncommon that 'racist beliefs, xenophobic attitudes and racial prejudices remain widespread in British society' (Bowling et al. 2003: 2) – both past and present. Therefore, because 'police officers are a cross-section of society, it can be expected that some will be racially prejudiced' (Bowling et al. 2003: 2). Research into policing conduct (Cain 1973; Holdaway 1983; Smith and Gray 1985 and Jefferson 1993) during the 1970s to early 1990s, highlighted that 'racism and racial prejudice in police culture were more widespread and extreme than in wider society' (Bowling et al. 2003:2). BBM 1 likened this idea to:

A wider psychological thing. Because when you think about it the police are there to protect society. So, if we know the police are always on your back, you must be thinking society is against me too. [BBM 1]

Considering there is a history of police officers projecting their perceptions of black people onto people in wider society. It is not surprising that such will cause young black men to think negatively of the police. The mere fact that research has not stopped investigating the relationship between the police and ethnic minorities indicates that past events still precede how young black men perceive the police today. For some, not much has changed. BBM 4 gave a good account of this:

You are putting their dad away, the next generations without a dad, all of this stuff, getting in trouble with school, it becomes as continuous cycle, it becomes generational and it really is systematic and generational and that is a lot of the stuff that happened with the black people. [BBM 4]

But it may be because you didn't respect them when they first came in. If you gave them an equal chance to actually grow within society, maybe we wouldn't have these problems, or we wouldn't have these ghettos. So, you have these problems and you have stop and search. I can see the angle from it, but it just perpetuates that all black people are a bit "hmm". [BBM 4]

BBM 4's expression of 'all black people are a bit "hmm"', refers in some way to existing stereotypes of black people being violent, drug abusers, suspicious, aggressive, difficult to handle, and troublesome (Graef 1989 and Reiner 1991). He goes on to say:

The fact that the police have made black people seem a bit "hmm" is what kinda caused this ongoing negativity that we have towards them. Like, why are you making us out to be what we are not or at least trying not to be. [BBM 4]

Therefore, the legacy of discriminatory and prejudicial treatment of black people by police officers continues to aid the distrust and lack of confidence young black men have in them (Bowling and Phillips 2002 and Weitzer and Tuch 2005).

In summary, black parents’ use of intergenerational transmission/socialisation of attitudes towards, and opinions of the police, combined with the process of armouring and knowledge of the history of black people in society, all inform the perceptions of the police held by young black males. These perceptions are to be outlined and explored in subsequent chapters. Although, there is not extensive literature on how black history directly informs current perceptions of the police, Sindall et al. (2016) did suggest that one's background is enough to inform how we see the police. Similarly, the information we acquire as children from our parents is an important contributing factor for having negative perceptions of the police.

Chapter 5 - Not Much Has Changed: General Perceptions of the Police

I know this for a fact, you don't like how I act, you claim I'm sellin' crack, but you be doin' that. I'd rather say "see ya", cause I would never be ya, be a officer? You wicked overseer? – KRS-One

While the previous chapter discussed the contributing factors towards early perceptions of the police, this chapter intends to outline what those perceptions have transformed into today, if changed or not at all. Focus group analysis indicated that there are mostly negative attitudes towards the police among participants. The idea that a small minority of 'bad' police officers give the institution as a whole a bad reputation became apparent when looking at the data produced by the focus group. Participants agreed that although a minority of police officers behave prejudicially, their behaviour speaks more about the institution they represent. What the focus group analysis also highlighted was that all participants acknowledged the unjust, differential, and disproportional treatment that the young black male demographic face at the hands of the police.

All participants agreed that they have mixed, negative and positive perceptions of and attitudes towards the police:

I feel like mine is mixed. [BBM 2]

Yes, mines mixed too. [BBM 1 & 3]

One participant explained further:

Yeah, I don't like to judge to judge a group. Because I can imagine people judging or treating black people as one homogenous group and saying all black people are this, all black people are that. But is it very hard to discern if it is a small minority of them that have something bad within the police? [BBM 4]

The above comment made by BBM 4 then prompted other members of the focus group to explain further their perceptions of the police:

I am conflicted because I have not had a standout negative incident with the police, but it has happened to my brother and his attitudes towards the police is completely different. He is like I DON’T like the police because it (Stop and Search) has happened to him so frequently, his like "why is this happening to me? I haven’t done anything; I am in my area going home from school. You are still saying you have something; I have something on me, it does not make sense". [BBM 2]

As I have got older, I have stopped that "I just hate the police full stop" because there is more understanding there, but I understand that I have to be wary as well of them still. So, like it is not complete hate, but it is "love-hate" if you get me. Because there have been situations where the police have actually helped my family as well. [BBM 3]

But as I got older, I would say past me teenage years and up till now my perception has change in the sense of "I know that it is not necessarily just individuals, the police at the end of the day are humans. So if they are in a culture that is racist or whatever, then they are kind of becoming part of that, it is not necessarily a thing of they just wake up and suddenly think "I am going to stop all these black people". I feel like it is a culture that they get indoctrinated into. [BBM 1]

Recent government data concluded that people from BME backgrounds were less likely than White and Asian people to have confidence in their local police (Office for National Statistics 2020b). The results revealed that among the 16 to 24-year olds, only 61% of Black people, compared to 77% of White people had confidence in their local police. The data also indicated that in every year covered by survey data, Black and Caribbean people were less likely than White British people to have confidence in their local police (Office for National Statistics 2020b). Additionally, negative perceptions of and attitudes towards the police were rooted in the police disproportionately victimising, discriminating, targeting, and disrespecting men of BME backgrounds (Reiner 1993 and Modood et al. 1997), thus creating feelings of alienation from society.

It is just that perception of it is them against us. Literally I have seen it like breed in my brother. It is just them against us. You are not my friend and I am not your friend. Even if you are doing your job… I don't think it is doing your job, I think it is you abusing your power and all that kind of stuff. [BBM 2]

Wu et al. (2009: 128) further conceptualised the roots of the above negative perceptions of and attitudes towards the police as being primarily influenced by unjust and disproportional treatment experienced by young black men, at the hands of the 'gatekeepers of the criminal justice system – police officers'. Choonngh (1998) adds that a 'key informal objective to policing is to enforce social discipline through the punishment, humiliation and extraction of submissiveness from groups who consistently come within their purview' (cited in McAra and McVie 2005: 7), the young, black and male. The notion of the 'availability' of BME groups in public spaces, as outline by the National Black Police Association (Metropolitan Police Authority 2004) suggests that it is almost impossible for black people to escape the attention of the police. Thus, reinforcing the inevitability of negative perceptions and attitudes if encounters are not positive.

Previous literature indicated that issues of 'racism and resignation among black police officers' [were] commonplace' (Bhugowandeen 2013: 7). No doubt, due to the perceptions that the police were, or arguably still are, institutionally racist – affecting not just wider society, but minority ethnic police officers (Macpherson 1999 and Quinton 2015). Institutional racism, defined in an earlier chapter, is no doubt, an identifiable cause for negative perceptions of and attitudes towards the police. For an institution such as the police to be institutionally racist, we cannot ignore the racism experienced by some officers within the force. The mere lack of diversity within the police is perhaps a testament to this. Recent figures now show that the Metropolitan police consists of 3.5% black police officers, compared to 85% white police officers (Home Office 2019b). Participants responses imply that this lack of diversity is the potential cause of discrimination and racism within the force, that then seeps out into society, informing people's perceptions and attitudes.

It is visible the discrimination and racism in the police... that it is quite visible how deeply rooted. [BBM 2]

But even within the police there is so much discrimination inside their force. There is black women who have gone for certain jobs and they are being likely racially abused and stuff like that. There is a culture of racism within the police and that goes back into society. [BBM 1]

The comments made above brought forward, in analysis, Bowling et al. (2003: 10) 'bad apple' theory, which offers that 'discrimination is the result of actions of a small number of rogue police officers who actively discriminate against ethnic minorities'. Existing research has indicated that institutional racism, discriminatory and prejudicial practices of police officers are at the hands of 'a few bad apples' (Newburn 2015). However, focus group data suggested otherwise:

When I say I have a negative perception of the police it is not individual police officers, it is the institution. I feel like the institution… [BBM 1]

I feel like that saying that says, "it's a few bad apples", I feel that does not capture that it is an institution and they have power. It is not the same as like stereotype black people, because we are just a demographic in society, whereas they are an institution. So, if it is a few bad apples, cool, it might just be a minority but then how come the majority do not speak up. Because they do not. [BBM 1]

The above quote suggests that BBM 1 was critical of the 'bad apple' theory. Newburn (2015) further illustrates this criticism, as directing the problem of police discrimination, towards individual 'rogue' police officers and not the institution itself. He (Newburn 2015: 7) argued that the 'history of policing has too many examples of institutionalised corruption'. Suggesting then, that 'the racist views, attitudes, opinions and behaviours' of 'bad apple' police officers are not far from those 'held by the majority of other police officers and indeed the wider society from which they are drawn' (Bowling et al. 2003: 11 and Green et al. 2000).

Focus group data also revealed participants somewhat negative perceptions of police culture. Participants said:

…institutions that you are talking about, now that you have mentioned it makes me feel like the police system is almost "Laddy". Like a bunch of Lads doing their own thing. [BBM 4]

When you see these like gang documentaries and you get this like on Sargent saying "we are the biggest gang in London", they have their own rules and culture so they have their own "you don't go against the gang culture"…. I think it is a lack of empathy and humanising. They don't really see themselves in the people that they treat like that. [BBM 1]

Police culture, characterised by Reiner (1992 and 2002), describes a 'predominantly white male organisation that displays a conservative cynical, action-oriented, inward-looking, suspicious approach that is suffused with machismo and racial prejudice' (cited in Sharp and Atherton 2007: 750). Moreover, what Westmarland (2005) found to be the most problematic thing about police culture, was that even though some racist police officers do not have 'that aspect about their attitudinal make-up successfully confronted' before joining the police or during training. Their power as police officers gives them a choice to arrest or target specific groups as they please. This level of police discretion offers the power to, for instance, stop and search young black men, nine times more than white men. (Banton 1964; McLaughlin 2007 and Ministry of Justice 2020).

In sum, focus group analysis and existing literature corroborate the notion that 'negative public attitudes towards the police may sometimes precede, rather than follow, police mistreatment' (Rosenbaum 2005: 345), thus complicating the picture further. In the next chapter, I intend to explore just how these negative attitudes towards and perceptions of the police, follow mistreatment from them, as I consider the influence of stop and search powers and practices in shaping negative views of the police.

Chapter 6 - Why Do they always Stop and Search me?

Are you really for peace and equality? Or when my car is hooked up, you know you want to follow me, your laws are minimal, cause you won't think about lookin' at the real criminal. – KRS-One

This chapter intends to outline participants attitudes towards the most commonly used police practice; Stop and Search. Focus group analysis revealed that much of the negative attitudes towards and perceptions of the police follow, either direct or indirect, negative encounters with the police, mostly during a Stop and Search procedure. The College of Policing (c.2020a) defines Stop and Search as a process, where given that a police officer(s) has 'reasonable grounds' to suspect that an individual intends to engage in 'unlawful activity' or has in their possession an 'unlawful item'; they can be stopped and searched.

Considering previous literature has investigated the disproportion use of Stop and Search practices on black people, specifically men, (Holdaway 2003; McAra and McVie 2005; Rosenbaum 2005; Bowling and Philips 2007 and Gunter 2008) and the findings of my research it is clear that the police are yet to justly and effectively conduct stop and searches. In addition to this, focus group data also found that vicarious experiences (Son et al. 1997; Rosenbaum 2005 and Weitzer and Tuch 2006) of Stop and Search encounters gone wrong, further reinforced negative perceptions of the police; participants reactions to the video1 played during the focus group emphasised this.

Only two members of the focus group recalled being stopped and searched personally by the police:

Me being stopped myself, I think I was 13 actually… I started to become more aware of my rights and realised why I was being stopped at certain times, as well. [BBM 3]

The first time I got stopped and searched, I think I was like 13. They made me take out all my belongings, asking me like "how do you know that's your phone, you need to out your password in your phone... I was just on the estate, and I think they were just stopping everyone. [BBM 1]

Such a response exemplifies the 'street availability' theory, as it posits 'that instead of considering the resident population per area, we should compare the number of stops and searches among the population 'available' to be stopped and searched' (EHRC 2010: 52). Consequently, those who spend time in private places are 'unavailable' to be stopped and searched, compared to those who spend more time in public spaces and are, therefore 'available' to be stopped and searched (McAra and McVie 2005 and EHRC 2010). Therefore, ethnic minorities 'who consistently come within [the] purview' (McAra and McVie 2005: 7) of the police full within the 'available' population to be targeted for stop and searches. MVA and Miller (2000: 131) asserted that 'being black means you get stopped more often'. Moreover, both Phillips and Bowling (2002), and the National Black Police Association (Metropolitan Police Authority 2004), are critical of the 'street availability' theory. They argue that 'certain groups [young black men] may be more available than others, due to direct discrimination against them in other contexts' (see McAra and McVie 2005: 8) and that the 'availability' of said groups are a 'smoke-screen for discrimination', respectively.

BBM 1 continued to share his second most negative experience with the police:

The second time, I was 16 and I was in a hostel at the time. So, I was riding from my mums house to the hostel on my bike. It was late, like 2am. A police car, an unmarked car came out of nowhere and blocked me off and then like three of them jumped out, pushed me up against the wall. They went through my bag, they told me to take put my laptop, that I needed to put my password because we do not know if it's yours, you could have burgled it etc. I was like, of course it is mine kind of thing. One of the officers was like, yeah, "when we go through your laptop, we are going to find gay porn, you are a little batty man". I think he was trying to like goad me into retaliating. Obviously, the laptop was mine, so nothing happened in the end, so I just went home. I've been stopped a couple of times after that as well, but I feel like because it was so normal for people to get stopped and I never truly processed the impact that had. My interactions with the police have been fairly negative. [BBM 1]

This experience he said, reaffirmed his already negative perceptions of the police. The other two members of the focus group who had not personally been stopped and search by the police recalled these vicarious experiences:

If you fit a certain profile, then police were obviously just going to target you or assume that you are apart or associated with that kind of group. So, especially with my brother, it has happened to him quite frequently actually where he’s been walking back from school, and obviously his hoodie is up, the police are driving past or walking past, and he apparently seems to be looking down or changing direction, and apparently that's a cause for them to now search. [BBM 2]

For me, I have never been stopped or searched. But I have had friends who have been, especially in like public places, so like the centre of town. Not to say that they are the most righteous people, because they weren't, but it can be very embarrassing when you've got nothing on you and it kinda created that hostility towards the police. [BBM 4]

Extant studies taken to explore the disproportionality of police stop and searches found that blacks were significantly more likely to be stopped and searched than whites (Smith and Gray 1985; Norris et al. 1992; Bowling and Philips 2007 and Ellis 2010). Figures from the EHRC (2010: 24-25) report further emphasised these research findings, as recorded between 2001 to 2008, 'the disproportionality ratio climbed slowly: from 4.9 to 7.6 for the black/white disproportionality ratio'. Much more recent figures revealed that under section 60 of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 – the police can stop and search someone within an authorised area to prevent violence involving weapons -, black people had the highest number (4,858) of stop and searches out of all ethnic groups for that legislation (Ministry of Justice 2020). Additional data showed, there were 4 stop and searches for every 1,000 White people, compared with 38 for every 1,000 Black people (Ministry of Justice 2020). One member of the focus group shared an understanding of the disproportionality, where he said:

Yeah, it is disproportional. Statistically, we are eight times more likely to be stopped and searched, and it has grown. [BBM 1]

The most recent statistic stands at, those who 'identify as Black or Black British were 9.7 times as likely to be stopped than those who identify as White' (Home Office 2019a: 15). The continued pattern of the disproportionate use of police stop and search is coherent with research evidence on discrimination, prejudice, and selective enforcement, based on stereotyping, by the police (Bowling and Phillips 2007). Furthermore, research findings (FitzGerald and Sibbitt 1997) had illustrated that police officers often used skin colour as an identifier for stop and searches because of existing stereotypes and over-generalisations about ethnic minority groups involvement in crime. One participant suggested that the disproportionality in, and frequency of, police stop and searches, normalises the reality of the discrimination that either precedes or follows it. He stated:

What I have found is that the police seem to develop relationships with the youth, let's say from like age 12 to 18 years old are my area. And from that we just see frequently, we are just stopped for no reason sometimes and that happed quite a bit. And that could be petty things like they think you have some weed on you, but you'll get stopped everyday so, at one point its becoming normal, so you'll just walk on the high street and as soon as you see the police car, you just know what's going to happen next. You don't think anything of it, it just happens. [BBM 3]

Rosenbaum (2005: 345) asserted that 'the perceived quality of treatment by the police seems to be an important determinant of (dis)satisfaction with police encounters and affects overall whom they judge to be unfair, rude, unconcerned, unhelpful or unprofessional'. Nonetheless, focus group analysis also found that the quality of treatment by the police also affects how individuals feel during and after their police encounter. BBM 1 reported that:

I feel like with the embarrassment element. When I got stopped, I was more worried about people walking past just assuming that I've done something wrong. I would rather be put in a van than having people back out their phones while I'm getting stopped and searched. Now you are profile because you already know that the Daily Mail comments are going to be, he is a gang member. So, it is embarrassing but it also like, this is a mad analogy, but like you are being watched by society whilst it is happening, and you are thinking about what the perceptions are being projected onto me. [BBM 1]

I find it incredibly disheartening that 'for young black men, in particular, the humiliating experience of being repeatedly stopped and search is a fact of life. (NACRO 1997: 3). Therefore, I am not at all surprised that young black men tend to develop more hostile attitudes towards the police than any other ethnic group (Smith 1991 and Modood et al. 1997).

On the contrary, positive encounters with the police can relax these hostile attitudes. Much like, BBM 1 who recalled only ever having one positive encounter with the police that began to change how he perceived the police:

I have had one stop that was positive. I was stopped once, the police officer was very kind, he explained what was happening and why it was happening, obviously I did not agree it was happening. But he went of his way to explain why it was happening and even when it was done, it was like "I am going to give you a slip and have a goodnight" and I feel like sometimes it is the attitude of the officer that can change your experience. Obviously, I was annoyed that I was stopped but I was not thinking "F the police", because he was, I don't want to say nice, but he was explaining me through it. [BBM 1]

This one positive example of a police encounter highlights one of the College of Policing's (c.2020b) 'definition of fair and effective stop search', namely, that the person should understand why they have been searched and feel that they have been treated with respect'.

Before closing this chapter, I would briefly like to explore my analysis of the focus group data concerning the video1 that was played during the focus group, as it related to stop and search procedures. Participants response to the video1 were as follows:

That just made me feel so uncomfortable. [BBM 2]

Do you know what is mad? For me it does not, because I am so used to seeing. [BBM 3]

Same and I have seen worse. [BBM 1]

I have seen it multiple time and I still get that uncomfortable feeling because it does not take that many police officers to arrest one guy. Especially like at the end of the video, I don't know if it was like four or five pinning one man down. He is literally handicapped, like what is going to happen, and I saw a guy trying to spry something in his eye, like what. Ahhh it doesn't make sense. [BBM 2]

Although, some critical cultural theorist of racism and crime (Hall et al. 1978; Gilroy 1982 and Gordon 1983) argue that, where the media labels black youths unfairly as criminals, and are eventually turned into criminals by the police (Gunter 2008). Media coverage of police brutality and excessive use of force during stop and search procedures only further reinforces the negative perceptions young black males have of the police (Brunson and Weitzer 2011). The participants' reactions to the video1 further exemplify a collective identity (Shelby 2002), as they can empathise, with others like them, knowing what it means and how it feels to be young, black, and male in the eyes of the police.

In sum, police powers to stop and search do more harm than good in shaping the attitudes and perceptions of young black men towards the police. Likewise, media coverage of extreme forms of police stop and search, also have adverse effects on public attitudes towards the police (Weitzer 2002). The apparent disproportionality, discrimination and racism associated with police stop and search only continues to affirm negative and hostile attitudes; before, during and after police interaction. What Tyler and Huo (2002) discovered is that, should police officers want the respect and cooperation of the public, they should 'explain their actions, listen to citizens, and treat them politely' (cited in Brunson and Weitzer 2011: 430). In doing so, they begin to take the steps necessary in changing negative attitudes and perceptions into positive ones.

Chapter 7 - Conclusion

This dissertation set out to identify the attitudes and perceptions of young Black British men towards the police, and what the impact of their negative experiences has on their perceptions and attitudes. This was achieved through empirical investigation, adopting a qualitative focus group method. Before now, the majority of existing literature focused mainly on the attitudes and perceptions of young black males within the US context, neglecting not only the impact of negative experiences on perceptions of and attitudes towards the police but, more importantly, within the context of the UK (given the increasing disproportionality rates in Stop and Search powers targeting young people men from BME background more than any other ethnic group.) It is, perhaps, more crucial now than ever to explore the perceptions and attitudes of this group against the rigorous and proactive policing of their communities.

Sharp and Atherton's (2007: 757) study which I drew upon thought this dissertation concluded that 'the police as guardians of law and order are absent from the lives of those young people who believe that they are targeted as a result of prejudice and stereotypes that characterise them as potential sources of crime'. My research findings mirrored their conclusion, emphasising that discriminatory and prejudicial policing practices constitute the negative perceptions - either learned or experienced directly or indirectly – of them by young black men. These findings addressed the research aims and objectives in such a way that they: (a) identified the negative perceptions of the police held by young Black British males; (b) assessed how vicarious experiences impact on perceptions of the police and (c) determined how impactful negative experiences with the police are on perceptions of them.

One of the apparent weakness of this dissertation is its lack of generalisability to the wider demographic of young black males, seeing as data was drawn from only four participants. However, the strength of this research comes from its unique focus group research method, in producing rich and insightful data that validated findings of previous research (Leiber et al. 1998; Sharp and Atherton 2007 and Norman 2009). Therefore, revealing that there is a continued sense of negative perceptions and hostile attitudes towards the police unanimously share amongst young black men. If given the opportunity to repeat this study, I would adopt a mixed-methods approach to obtaining my data in the hopes that my findings will prove more generalisable, increasing in validity and reliability (Elliott et al. 20011).

Over time, evidence has continued to show that there are far greater negative perceptions than positive perceptions of the police held by young black men. Thus, calling for more active community policing strategies to improve police-citizen encounters and reform the police organisation (Rosenbaum 2005). Perhaps, a change of mind and approach to policing practices towards young black men can, in turn, foster better relations between them and the police.

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Appendices

Appendix 1 - Research ethics checklist duly completed

School of Sociology & Social Policy

Application for Research Ethics Approval for UG and PGT Students

This form and any attachments must be completed, signed electronically, and submitted to

LQ-researchethicSSP@exmail.nottingham.ac.uk

This form must be completed for all research projects, assignments or dissertations which are conducted within the School. You must not begin data collection or approach potential research participants (gatekeepers excepted) until you have submitted this form and received ethical clearance from the Schools’ Research Ethics Committee (SSP-REC). Any change in the question, design or conduct of the research over the course of the research should be reported and may require a new application.

The following checklist is a starting point for an ongoing process of reflection with your supervisor(s) about the ethical issues concerning your study. Two things need to be stressed:

• Checking one or more shaded boxes does not mean that you cannot conduct your research as currently anticipated; however, it does mean that further questions will need to be asked and addressed, further discussions will need to take place, and alternatives may need to be considered or additional actions undertaken.

• Avoiding the shaded boxes does not mean that ethical considerations can subsequently be 'forgotten'; on the contrary, research ethics – for everyone and in every project – should involve an ongoing process of reflection.

Application Checklist

You should provide documents to cover each of the questions below where your response is ‘yes’, and tick to indicate the type of evidence you have enclosed. All forms/templates are on the Research Ethics website.

Questions about your application Evidence required Enclosed

Does the research project, dissertation or assignment involve human participants or their data? Application for Research Ethics Approval (this form) ☒

Participant Consent Form ☒

Participant Information Sheet ☒

Research Participant GDPR Privacy Notice ☒

Is the research of a sensitive nature, i.e. involves vulnerable participants and/or is concerned with a sensitive topic? An exemplar of any communication inviting individuals to participate in the study ☒

An indicative list of survey or interview questions to be used in the study ☒

Does the research involve data collection off campus in the UK or overseas?

Overseas travel involving data collection is referred to the University’s Insurance Office. Please consult the travel advice Flow Chart and Overseas Travel Guidance and DO NOT book travel or arrange fieldwork until your application has been approved. Fieldwork Risk Assessment Form and Hazard Checklist

☐

Does the research require approval from an external UK REC (eg, NHS-HRA, HMPPS) or a Non-UK REC for research conducted outside of the UK? (NB. UG students will not be eligible to apply to external RECs) External REC approval ☐

Has your supervisor approved the research by signing this form? Supervisor signature ☒

Section 1: Applicant details

Name of researcher Sarah Ajayi

Status ☒ Undergraduate student

☐ Postgraduate taught student

Student ID number 14298468

Degree programme BA Criminology and Sociology

Module name and number SOCI 3001 Dissertation in Sociology/Social Policy/Criminology

Email address Lqysa9@nottingham.ac.uk

Names of other project members (if applicable) N/A

Name of supervisor or course convenor Prof. Bill Dixon

Section 2: Project details (please provide brief details about your proposed research)

Project title How do we protect our young Black sons from today’s prejudice and discriminatory world? Through the Policing lens.

Research question(s) or aim(s) This research project seeks explore the opinions, attitudes and beliefs of young black males from the UK towards the police and vice versa. This research will also look at the explanations/treatment of young black males within Police custody and the Prison system.

This research is important because it hopes to add to the ongoing discussion of the disproportional representation of young black males within the prison system and encounters with the police. For example, their reasons for not trusting or feeling unsafe around the police. From this, the research hopes to offer better methods/protections that young black men and police officers alike, can adopted to foster better relations.

This research will use qualitative data taken from one focus group activities. This focus group will consist of males, age 18-25 and self-identify as Black British.

Method(s) of data collection I will be using a qualitative focus group method. The reason I chose this method is because, I am looking to rich and insightful data from my participants regarding the above research question/aims. My research participants are males, age 18-25 and self-identify as Black British.

Participants will take part in a 45-minute focus group whereby they will be asked to watch a video. Video number one – police interaction with a young Black British male. The video is available at:

https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/police-racism-force-violence-black-people-uk-white-race-mental-health-taser-restraint-firearms-a8682516.html%3famp

Proposed site(s) of data collection (please consult the University’s Lone Working, Working Abroad and Safe Conduct of Fieldwork guidelines) The focus group will take place at a convenient time and location to which all participants and the researcher will arrange. The location of the focus group will take place on the University of Nottingham campus.

How will access to participants and/or sites be gained? This research does not have any expected gatekeepers. Participants also do not have to seek permission to be involved in this research study because they are above the age of 16.

I will also approach several Black British self-identifying males from the African and Caribbean community in Nottingham on campus. These males will be contacted through personal connections, i.e. friends of friends.

How will research data be managed (please consult the Guidance on Research Data Handling for UG and PGT Students)? The focus group will be recorded using a tape recorder and later transcribed to written form. The recording will be transfer from my handled recorder onto my university-provided Office OneDrive and my external hard drive365, this is to ensure that recording does not get lost or destroyed while I am writing up my research findings. Once this is done the recording will be deleted. Participants name will be kept out the discussion of the research finds. Where the research wishes to quote specific examples from the focus group, a code such as BBM1 (Black British Male 1) will be given to each participant.

Only the researcher will have access to the raw data on the recording. Results of the data will be available to the participants in the final dissertation write up, should they request it.

A DBS check is required if the research involves being left alone with children under the age of 16 and/or vulnerable adults. If the project requires a DBS check, what is your DBS number? N/A

Section 3: Questions about research within or involving the NHS or social care

(NB. The Prison Service does not allow undergraduate research in their institutions) Yes No

Does the study involve: patients or social care users as research participants, relatives or carers of past/present users of NHS or social care services, the use of NHS or social care records or data, Department of Health funding? (NB. NHS-HRA review is not normally required for research involving NHS or social care staff recruited as research participants by virtue of their professional role, except where the proposal raises significant ethical issues) ☐

☒

Does the study involve participants age 16 or over who are unable to give informed consent (eg, people with learning disabilities: see Mental Capacity Act 2005/ Adults with Incapacity (Scotland) Act 2000)? ☐

☒

If you have answered ‘yes’ to any of the questions above, you will need to submit your research for ethics review to the appropriate REC (eg, NHS-HRA). Once approved, a copy should be appended to this completed application form and sent to the SSP-REC for its records. (NB. UG students will not be eligible to apply to external RECs)

Section 4: Ethical considerations

Please answer ALL of the following questions by ticking the appropriate box and providing additional information in the text box where required.

4.1: Questions about consent Yes No

Does the research involve other potentially vulnerable groups: children under 16, residing in residential care, having a cognitive impairment, mental health condition, physical or sensory impairments, previous life experiences (e.g., victims of abuse), other (please specify below)? ☐

☒

Will the study require the co-operation of a gatekeeper for initial access to the groups or individuals to be recruited? ☐

☒

Will the research involve people taking part in the study without their knowledge and consent at the time? ☐

☒

If you have answered ‘yes’ to any of the questions about consent, you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research in the box below:

4.2: Questions about the potential for harm Yes No

Will the research involve discussion of sensitive or potentially sensitive topics (e.g. sexual activity, drug use, physical or mental health, racism, prejudice, illegal activity)? ☒

☐

Will the research involve physically invasive procedures, the collection of bodily samples or the administering of drugs, placebos or other substances (e.g. vitamins, food)? ☐

☒

Will the research place participants at any greater physical or emotional risk than they experience during their normal lifestyles? ☐

☒

Will the research expose the researcher to any significant risk of physical or emotional harm? ☐

☒

If you have answered ‘yes’ to any of the questions about the potential for harm, you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research in the box below:

I have identified that sensitive topics such as, prejudice, racism, race, police violence and illegal activity may feature somewhat in this research. As a researcher I plan to deal with this by ensuring my integrity and respect towards these topics and those involved in the conversation. I will emphasize to participants that the focus group is be a forum for sharing experiences in a supportive manner, in a sympathetic environment. I recognized the sensitivity of this topic and will be this in mind throughout the research process.

4.3: Questions about data management preparation Yes No

Are you aware of the GDPR and is the proposed research compatible with it? ☒

☐

Is the research to be undertaken in the public interest? ☒

☐

Will research participants be given/directed to an appropriate GDPR privacy notice? ☒

☐

Have you read the University of Nottingham’s Code of Research Conduct and Research Ethics, and agree to abide by it? ☒

☐

Have you read the Data Protection Policy and Guidance of the University of Nottingham, and agree to abide by them? ☒

☐

If you have answered ‘no’ to any of the questions about the potential for harm, you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research in the box below:

4.4: Questions about data collection, confidentiality and storage Yes No

Will the research involve administrative or secure data that requires permission from the appropriate authorities before use? ☐

☒

Will data collection take place somewhere other than public and/or professional spaces (work setting)? ☐

☒

Will the research involve respondents to the internet or other visual/vocal methods where participants may be identified? ☐

☒

Will the personal data of research participants (e.g. name, age, gender, ethnicity, religious or other beliefs, sexuality, physical or mental health conditions) be revealed in research outputs or stored data? ☐

☒

Will the research involve the sharing of data or confidential information beyond the initial consent given? ☐

☒

Will financial inducements (other than reasonable expenses and compensation for time) be offered to participants? ☐

☒

If you have answered ‘yes’ to any of the questions about data collection, confidentiality and storage, you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research in the box below:

Section 5: Ethical approval

DECLARATION OF ETHICAL RESEARCH

By signing this form, I agree to work within the protocol which I have outlined and to abide by the University of Nottingham’s Code of Research Conduct and Research Ethics, which I have read. If I make any changes to my protocol (such as changes to methods of data collection, the proposed sites of data collection, the means by which participants are accessed) which would change my answers to any of the questions above I will submit a new form to my supervisor or course convenor. Once approved, this should be sent to LQ-researchethicSSP@exmail.nottingham.ac.uk.

SARAH AJAYI 07/01/2020

Signature of student Date

AUTHORISATION

Having reviewed the ethical issues arising from the proposed research:

☒ I confirm the research can go ahead as planned.

☐ The project must be referred on to the Research Ethics Committee for more detailed ethical scrutiny (please briefly indicate reason(s) for the referral).

10 February 2020

Signature of supervisor Date

The School’s Research Ethics Committee authorizes the research to go ahead as described.

Signature of REC / REIO Date

Please remember to enclose all of the documentary evidence required to support your application, as indicated in the checklist on the front page of this application

Appendix 2 - Participant Information Sheet

Participant Information Sheet

Date: 05/03/2020

Title of Study: “Woop-woop! That’s the sound of da police, Woop-woop! That’s the sound of da beast” Police Relations with The Young, Black and Male.

Name of Researcher(s): S O A

I would like to invite you to take part in my research study. Before you decide I would like you to understand why the research is being done and what it would involve for you. I will go through the information sheet with you and answer any questions you have. Talk to others about the study if you wish. Ask me if there is anything that is not clear.

What is the purpose of the study?

This research project seeks explore the perspectives of young black British males towards the police. This research will also look at the explanations and treatments of young black males during police encounters.

This research is important because it hopes to add to the ongoing discussion around the disproportional representation of young black male and police encounters. For example, their reasons for not trusting or feeling unsafe around the police. From this, the research hopes to offer better methods and protections that young black men and police officers alike, can adopted to foster better relations.

Why have I been invited?

You are being invited to take part because you fit the criteria of the target population of this study. I am inviting four participants like you to take part.

Do I have to take part?

It is up to you to decide whether or not to take part. If you do decide to take part, you will be given this information sheet to keep and be asked to sign a consent form (completion and return of a Questionnaire can be taken as implied consent). If you decide to take part, you are still free to withdraw at any time and without giving a reason. This would not affect your legal rights.

What will happen to me if I take part?

In the study you and four other Black British males will be asked to watch video, that depicts the interaction of a young Black British male with the UK Met police. After watching this video, you and those in the focus group with you, will have the opportunity to discuss the contents of the video. I will also provide you with a set of questions to prompt and direct your discussion.

The focus groups will be arranged on a date and at a time most convenient for all participants and the researcher. The length of the focus group should be around 45-minutes.

Expenses and payments

Participants will not be paid an allowance to participate in the study.

What are the possible disadvantages and risks of taking part?

There are no anticipated risks in taking part in this research. However, I do ask that all participants maintain a high level of respect and integrity when engaging in the subject-matter discussion of this research study.

What are the possible benefits of taking part?

I cannot promise the study will help you but the information I get from this study will go a long way in helping me with my final year dissertation research project.

What if there is a problem?

If you have a concern about any aspect of this study, you should ask to speak to the researcher who will do their best to answer your questions. If you remain unhappy and wish to complain formally, you can do this by contacting the School Research Ethics Officer. All contact details are given at the end of this information sheet.

Will my taking part in the study be kept confidential?

I will follow ethical and legal practice and all information about you will be handled in confidence.

If you join the study, the data collected for the study will be looked at by authorised persons from the University of Nottingham who are organising the research. They may also be looked at by authorised people to check that the study is being carried out correctly. All will have a duty of confidentiality to you as a research participant and we will do our best to meet this duty.

All information which is collected about you during the course of the research will be kept strictly confidential, stored in a secure and locked office, and on a password protected database. Any information about you which leaves the University will have your name and address removed (anonymised) and a unique code will be used so that you cannot be recognised from it. Anonymised data may also be stored in data archives for future researchers interested in this area.

Your personal data (address, telephone number) will be kept for one month after the end of the study so that I am able to contact you about the findings of the study and possible follow-up studies (unless you advise us that you do not wish to be contacted). All research data will be kept securely for 7 years. After this time your data will be disposed of securely. During this time all precautions will be taken by all those involved to maintain your confidentiality, only members of the research team will have access to your personal data.

Although what you say in the focus group is confidential, should you disclose anything to us which I feel puts you or anyone else at any risk, I may feel it necessary to report this to the appropriate persons.

What will happen if I don’t want to carry on with the study?

Your participation is voluntary, and you are free to withdraw at any time, without giving any reason, and without your legal rights being affected. If you withdraw then the information collected so far may not be possible to extract and erase after two weeks and this information may still be used in the project analysis.

What will happen to the results of the research study?

The results of the research will be used in the final dissertation writeup, for my BA in Criminology and Sociology degree. The write up will explore the data obtained from the focus group in some depth. The results of this study will available to participants upon request from the researcher. Participants can be rest assured that their names will not be identified in any report/publication of this research.

Who is organising and funding the research?

This research is being organised by the University of Nottingham and is receiving no special funding.

Who has reviewed the study?

All research in the University of Nottingham is looked at by a group of people, called a Research Ethics Committee, to protect your interests. This study has been reviewed and approved by the School of Sociology and Social Policy Research Ethics Committee.

Further information and contact details

Researcher: Sarah Ajayi (Lqysa9@nottingham.ac.uk)

Supervisor/PI: Prof Bill Dixon (William.dixon@nottingham.ac.uk)

Research Ethics Officer: Dr Alison Mohr, alison.mohr@nottingham.ac.uk, Tel: 0115 84 68151

Appendix 3 - Informed Consent Form

School of Sociology and Social Policy

Participant Consent Form

Name of Study: “Woop-woop! That’s the sound of da police, Woop-woop! That’s the sound of da beast” Police Relations with The Young, Black and Male.

Name of Researcher(s): Sarah Ajayi

Name of Participant:

By signing this form I confirm that (please initial the appropriate boxes): Initials

I have read and understood the Participant Information Sheet, or it has been read to me. I have been able to ask questions about the study and my questions have been answered to my satisfaction.

I consent voluntarily to be a participant in this study and understand that I can refuse to answer questions and I can withdraw from the study at any time, without having to give a reason.

Taking part in this study involves a focus group that will be recorded using audio and written notes. The audio will be destroyed once transcribed to text.

Personal information collected about me that can identify me, such as my name or where I live, will not be shared beyond the study team.

My words can be quoted in publications, reports, web pages and other research outputs.

I give permission for the de-identified (anonymised) data that I provide to be used for future research and learning.

I agree to take part in the study

______________________ ______________________ ________________

Name of Participant Signature Date

______________________ ______________________ ________________

Researcher’s name Signature Date

2 copies: 1 for the participant, 1 for the project file

Appendix 4 – GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation) Privacy Notice

Privacy information for Research Participants

For information about the University’s obligations with respect to your data, who you can get in touch with and your rights as a data subject, please visit: https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/utilities/privacy.aspx.

Why we collect your personal data

We collect personal data under the terms of the University’s Royal Charter in our capacity as a teaching and research body to advance education and learning. Specific purposes for data collection on this occasion are to allow the researcher to identify the participants should a follow up focus group or study need to be conducted.

Legal basis for processing your personal data under GDPR

The legal basis for processing your personal data on this occasion is Article 6(1a) consent of the data subject.

Special category personal data

In addition to the legal basis for processing your personal data, the University must meet a further basis when processing any special category data, including: personal data revealing racial or ethnic origin, political opinions, religious or philosophical beliefs, or trade union membership, and the processing of genetic data, biometric data for the purpose of uniquely identifying a natural person, data concerning health or data concerning a natural person’s sex life or sexual orientation.

The basis for processing your sensitive personal data on this occasion is Article 9(2a) the data subject has given explicit consent to the processing.

How long we keep your data

The University may store your data for up to 25 years and for a period of no less than 7 years after the research project finishes. The researcher who gathered or processed the data may also store the data indefinitely and reuse it in future research. Measures to safeguard your stored data include destroying all recordings of the focus groups and using coded acronyms for participants names in the final discussion of the research. For example, BBM1 (Black British Male 1).

Appendix 5 – Focus Group Guide

Focus Group Questions

Below are the following questions participants will be asked to direct their discussion, before watching the video.

1. Have you or anyone you know ever had a negative encounter with the police? Please provide details if you feel comfortable to do so.

2. What are your current perceptions of the UK police? Discuss any similarities or differences amongst the group.

3. How common do you think your perceptions of the police are amongst other young black men in society?

4. How have these perceptions changed from when you were much younger? E.g. between the age of 9-13.

5. Some people believe that young black men are subject to stop and search and other police activities in a way that it disproportionate. How do you feel about this?

6. Discuss your initial reactions to the video. How does it make you feel?

7. How does this video affect your perceptions of the police?

8. What do you think the after-effects of having a negative encounter with the police are for a young black man?

9. If you could say anything to the police officers in this video, what would it be?

10. Moving forward, what would you hope to see from the police that could lead to a better and more positive relationship between them and the young black male demographic?