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中美关系之死(4-5) 【中英对照翻译】

新闻来源:The Wire China;作者:ORVILLE SCHELL

翻译:草根(文人);校对:InAHurry;Page: 拱卒

The Death of Engagement / 中美接触终止

Part IV/ 第四部

大屠杀:乔治·布什,邓小平和美国国防

To stand atop the fabled Gate of Heavenly Peace, as I did in May of 1989, and see a million people gathered in protest against the Chinese Communist Party was to behold a scene Mao could not have imagined, except in a nightmare.

就像我在1989年5月那样,站在传说中的天安门城楼上,目睹着一百万老百姓聚集抗议中国共产党,这是毛除了在噩梦中,不曾想象过的能看到的景象。

It was impossible to walk through the Square among so many ecstatic, banner-waving youths and not feel a sense of exhilaration, for this political springtime allowed one to imagine that a more democratic, less adversarial China might finally be arriving.

从如此众多的狂热的,挥舞着旗帜的年轻人中横穿天安门广场不可能不感到一丝兴奋,这种政治的春天会让人遐想一个更加民主,更少对抗的中国也许最终要到来了。

Hundreds of thousands of people filled Beijing’s central Tiananmen Square on May 17, 1989, in the biggest popular upheaval in China since the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s. Credit: Reuters/Ed Nachtrieb 1989年5月17日,自20世纪60年代的文化大革命以来的最大的中国人民运动,成千上万的人聚集在北京中央的天安门广场上。图片来自路透社的Ed Nachtrieb

But where American liberals saw reform and hope, CCP stalwarts saw conspiracy, peril, and “peaceful evolution,” a toxic cocktail of foreign machinations aimed at undermining the Party’s “dictatorship of the proletariat.”3 As far as stalwarts were concerned, political reform, if left unconstrained, would threaten one-party rule, so it was hardly surprising when, after initial PLA efforts to clear the Square were thwarted by protesters, a determined Deng reassembled fresh units with new orders to “recover the Square at any cost.” As troops again swept into Beijing, this time behind armored vehicles, not only were thousands of dead and wounded soon littering the streets, but the protest movement and its hopes for meaningful political reform were over.

但是当美国自由派看见改革和希望的时候,中国共产党强硬派看见的却是阴谋,危机跟“和平演变”—一杯满是旨在削弱党的无产阶级专政地位的外国阴谋的毒鸡尾酒。强硬派担心政治改革如果不能被限制住的话,就会威胁一党统治,因此在当共党军队的最初的清场尝试被抗议者阻挠后,一支承载着“不惜一切代价恢复广场”新命令的,坚决的邓家重组全新部队的出现就一点也不足为怪了。当军队再一次横扫进入北京城,这次装甲车輾壓過后的不仅仅是几千死伤的人很快便散布在各个街道上面,还有抗议运动和对有意义的政治改革的希望也都荡然无存。

The Beijing massacre also left the logic of engagement in critical condition. For without reform there could be no convergence, and without any promise of convergence, engagement made no sense. And no argument was able to explain away the barbarity of what viewers around the world had seen on their TV screens. Suddenly conservatives who’d never really believed friendly relations could be forged with a Maoist regime gained new currency. As a columnist in the Austin American Statesman disparagingly concluded, “Deng Xiaoping ain’t worthy of his cowboy hat no more.”

北京大屠杀同时将中美接触的逻辑性置于危机的境地。因为如果没有改革就不会有趋同,如果没有任何趋同的承诺,那这个接触就没有任何的意义。同时也没有任何论点可以向全世界观众解释他们在电视上看到的野蛮。突然之间,从来不真正相信可以跟毛派政权建立友好关系的保守党获得了新的话语权。就像《奥斯汀美国政治家》报的一个专栏作家贬损的总结到那样“邓小平再也不配他的牛仔帽了”。

When asked why he was being so deferential to Beijing, Bush said it would be “a tragedy for all” if the U.S. broke off relations. Then, he raised a new theme: that commercial incentives would make democracy in China inevitable. Credit: Still from C-SPAN video 当被问及他为什么对北京如此的毕恭毕敬的,布什说如果美国跟中国断绝了所有关系,那将会是“所有人的悲剧”。然后,他又开启了一个新主题:商业的刺激会让中国的民主成为必然。 消息来源:有线卫星公共事务电视网的Still

As the world reeled from the massacre, President Bush expressed fears that an “overly emotional” reaction might lead to “a total break” and “throw China back into the hands of the Soviet Union.” At a press conference on June 5, he warned that this was the time for a “reasoned, careful action that takes into account our long-term interest and recognition of a complex internal situation in China.” The U.S. needed, he stressed, “time to look beyond the moment to the important and enduring aspects of this vital relationship.”

当世界都在为大屠杀感到震惊的时候,布什总统表达了他害怕过分情绪化的反应有可能会导致“中美关系的全面崩溃”并“将中国再扔回前苏联的手里”。在6月5日的新闻发布会上,他警告,“这是一个需要我们将长期利益和对中国复杂的内部情况的认识纳入考虑后采取理性的,谨慎的行动的时候。” 他强调,美国需要“时间去审视此刻以后的这种至关重要的中美关系的重要的和持久的方面。”

When asked why he was being so deferential to Beijing, Bush replied, “It would only be a tragedy for all if China were to pull back to its pre-1972 era of isolation and repression.” Then, he raised a new theme: “I think, as people have commercial incentives, whether it’s in China or other totalitarian systems, the move to democracy becomes inexorable.”

当被问到他为什么对北京如此的毕恭毕敬,布什回答到,“如果中国被推回它1972年以前的孤立跟压迫状态,那将会对所有人都是一个悲剧。”然后,他提出了一个新的主题:“我认为,无论是在中国还是其它极权系统中,当人民有了商业刺激的时候,走向民主就是会势不可挡。”

He would stop short of breaking relations with China, he said, in order to encourage the Chinese “to continue their change.”

他说,他不会跟中国断交,为的是鼓励中国人“继续 他们的改变。”

Bush had tried to call Deng, but failing to get through, wrote a letter “from the heart.”

布什曾经试图给邓打电话,但是并没被接通,于是写了一封“发自内心”的信。

“We both do more for world peace, if we can get our relationship back on track,” he pleaded. Then, defying the national mood of censure, he dispatched his National Security Advisor, Brent Scowcroft, to Beijing on a trip so secret that not even the U.S. ambassador was notified.

他请求到“如果我们让我们两国的关系重归正轨,那我们都对世界和平做出了更多贡献。”然后,藐视全国的批评的情绪,他派了他的国家安全顾问,布伦特·斯考克罗夫特去了北京,这个行程秘密的连美国大使都没有被通知。

Bush sent Scowcroft (left) on a secret trip to Beijing following the June 4th massacre to smooth over diplomatic relations, but Deng accused the U.S. of “[interfering] in China’s internal affairs.” Credit: George Bush Presidential Library and Museum 布什在6月4号大屠杀后派斯考克罗夫特(左)秘密访问北京去缓和外交关系,但是邓指责美国“干涉中国内政。” 图片来源:乔治 布什总统图书馆和博物馆

Even then, Deng was not remorseful. Blaming the U.S. for “rumor mongering” and being “too deeply involved” in what he called “an earth-shattering event for China,” he accused Washington of having “impugned China’s interests” and “hurt China’s dignity.” He warned that if the U.S. did not summon up a more “objective and honest reaction” toward what he termed China’s “counter-revolutionary rebellion,” Sino-U.S. relations would fall into a “dangerous state.”

即便当时,邓都没有懊悔之意。还在责怪美国“散布谣言”跟对于他称之为 “中国的惊天动地的大事”涉足太深。他还指责华盛顿“冲击了中国利益”和“伤害了中国尊严”。他警告说如果美国对于他定义的中共国“反动造反派”不釆取一个更“客观和诚实的反应”的话,中美关系会陷入一个“危险的境地。”

“I would like to tell you, Mr. Scowcroft,” he chided icily, “we will never allow any people to interfere in China’s internal affairs.”

他冷冰冰的斥责到:“ 斯考克罗夫特先生,我想跟你说,我们永远不会允许任何人来干涉中国内政。”

During this tongue lashing, Scowcroft remained surprisingly contrite. “Rightly or wrongly,” Americans had been outraged, he tried to explain, as if the outrage felt by so many back home had no particular moral charge. Then, he pleaded for Deng to recognize the long distance he’d come as conveying the “symbolic importance” President Bush placed on the U.S.-China relationship and demonstrative of “the efforts he is prepared to make to preserve it.” Alluding to the fact that Bush had just vetoed legislation sanctioning China, even though it had passed the U.S. House of Representatives by a 418-0 vote, Scowcroft told Deng how “deeply appreciative” he was of “your willingness to receive us to explain the dilemma in which [President Bush] finds himself. That’s a message from a true friend of the Chinese government and the people of China.”

在这场舌战中,斯考克罗夫特一直保持着令人惊讶的懊悔的态度,“正确的或者是错误的”,美国人确实是暴怒了,他试图这样解释道,就好像这种在家乡被如此众多人感受到的暴怒并没有特别的道义上的支持一样。然后,他恳求邓要看到他大老远来就是要传达布什总统把“象征重要性”放在美中关系上并阐明了“他所做的来维系这种重要性的努力。” 暗示了布什刚刚否决了立法制裁中国的事实,即使这个立法已经以418票比0票通过了众议院的投票,斯考克罗夫特告诉邓他是多么的“深深感激”, “您愿意接收我们对于布什总统现在所在的进退两难的困境的解释。那是从中国政府和中国人民的真正的朋友那来的消息。”

Read: Deng Xiaoping and Brent Scowcroft’s July 2, 1989 meeting at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing (PDF File)

引申阅读:1989年7月2日,邓小平和布伦特·斯考克罗夫特在北京人民大会堂会面 (PDF文档)

“There is no force whatsoever which can substitute for the PRC represented by the CCP,” countered Deng imperiously. “Let me just repeat, we have to see what kind of remarks and what kind of actions the U.S. will take,” he concluded, throwing responsibility for the breakdown back onto Scowcroft and Washington.

邓傲慢的反驳到“没有任何一种力量可以来代替中国共产党代表中华人民共和国” 。他总结到“让我再重复一遍,我们必须看到美国将会采取什么样的言论和什么样的行动”,把关系破裂的责任全都甩在了斯考克罗夫特和华盛顿方面。

The Washington Post called the trip “a placatory concession to a repressive and bloodstained Chinese government.” The Wall Street Journal savaged it as “one of the great tin-ear exercises of our time.” But Michel Oksenberg, a senior staff member on the National Security Council under the Carter administration, praised it as “an act of courageous leadership.” Whatever else it was, Scowcroft’s trip was a demonstration of how important the U.S.-China relationship had now become to Washington.

华盛顿邮报称这次访问为“对于专制的,血染的中国政府的怀柔的让步。”华尔街日报攻击它为“我们时代的最伟大的一次装聋练习。”但是卡特政府的美国国家安全委员会的一个高级官员米克爾·奧森柏格却赞扬这次访问是“一次勇敢的领导力的表现。”无论是什么,斯考克罗夫特的访问是一次对于美中关系现在对华盛顿来说有多么重要的诠释。

For those of us who had been on the ground during the seven-week protest movement, what was most striking about the Scowcroft trip was how roles had gotten reversed. Instead of Deng, who’d just tarnished his country’s reputation by massacring his own people, seeking Scowcroft’s forgiveness and help in keeping the U.S.-China relationship on track, Scowcroft somehow ended up beseeching Deng to forgive the outrage felt by Americans. Equally important was the way Scowcroft’s deference set a future precedent: Henceforth, when crises hit “the relationship,” it would be the U.S. that would be expected to bear primary responsibility for remaining flexible enough to keep it together.

对于我们这些在七周的抗议运动中一直在现场的人来说,斯考克罗夫特的访问最引人注目的就是它是如何让角色反转的。并不是邓这个刚刚用屠杀自己人民的方式玷污了他国家的名声的人, 去寻求斯考克罗夫特的原谅和帮助恢复美中关系,而是斯考克罗夫特不知何故的最后去央求邓去原谅美国人感受到的愤怒。同样重要的是斯考克罗夫特那种恭敬的姿态成为了今后的一个先例:从这以后,每当“这个关系”产生危机,那就一定是美国要来承担保持足够的灵活度让这个关系存续的主要责任。

Some thought Bush’s solicitude grew out of a nostalgia for his days at the Beijing Liaison Office in the mid-1970s and the personal relationships he’d established with China’s leaders as America’s first official diplomatic representative to Beijing. But his belief in the importance of American leadership in helping transform China into a more responsible participant in the existing global order, a conceit that Bush came to refer to as his “comprehensive policy of engagement,” also played an important role in his deference. After announcing his intention to resume Export-Import and World Bank lending to China, a significant concession in its own right, Bush dispatched Scowcroft to Beijing a second time. Then, in 1991 his Secretary of State James Baker went, as well, and did extract some concessions on the Chinese sale of missiles to rogue regimes. But, gaining this modest victory was, he complained, like getting “your annual physical, the unpleasant part.”

有些人认为,布什的殷勤来自于他对他在1970年中期在北京联络办公室工作的那些日子的怀念和他所建立的作为美国对北京的第一任官方外交代表跟中共国领导人的私人关系。但是他对于美国领导层在帮助让中共国在已经存在的国际秩序中转变成一个更加负责任的参与者的重要性的信念,和布什称之为他的“全方位接触政策”的自负同样在他的恭敬态度中起到了很大的作用。在宣布他重启进出口和世界银行对中国贷款的意愿之后(这本身就是一个重大的让步),布什第二次派斯考克罗夫特前往北京。然后,在1991年,他的国务卿詹姆斯·贝克也去了,并且确实在中国向流氓政权出售导弹方面得到了一些让步。但是,他报怨说,获得这个小小的胜利就像是去了“每年的体检一样,并不舒服。”

Secretary of State James Baker traveled to China to negotiate further with the Chinese leadership. Credit: George Bush Presidential Library and Museum 国务卿詹姆斯·贝克访问中国进一步洽谈中国的领导 图片来源:乔治 布什总统图书馆和博物馆

Bush’s policy also exposed a disparity with the U.S.’s intolerance for the political persecution of dissidents in other countries like the Soviet Union. Whereas Russia was still viewed as a Communist tyranny, Deng’s China had now won a deferment from such totalistic judgements. As James Mann later observed, the unspoken, operating principle had become: “The engager will not let the behavior of the Chinese regime, however, reprehensible, get in the way of continued business with China.”

布什的政策也暴露了与美国对苏联政府等国家政治迫害异义人士不容忍的态度的差距。正当俄罗斯仍然被视为共产主义的暴政之时,邓的中国现在却因他们种极权主义的做法获得了尊重。就像詹姆斯·曼后来意识到那样,不成文的操作原则变成了:“无论中共国政权的行为多么可恶,“接触政策”发起者都不会让这些行为阻碍到跟中共国继续的商业来往。”

Deng, for his part, surprised everyone when he did not foreclose the possibility of further engagement following the massacre. After praising military commanders for putting down the “turmoil,” (动乱), he rhetorically asked them, “Is our basic concept of reform and openness wrong? … No! Without reform how could we have what we have today?”

让所有人惊讶的是,邓,他个人并没有收回在大屠杀后进一步和美国“接触”的可能性。在赞扬了军队官兵平息这场动乱后,他反问他们,“我们改革开放的基本观念错了么?。。。并没有!没有改革我们能有我们今天所拥有的么?”

Crucially, however, what Deng was recommitting to was not “political reform and opening up,” but “economic reform.”

但是,这里的重点是:邓所说的并不是“政治改革跟开放,”而是“经济改革。”

It was a sage maneuver, for as one U.S. president after another came under the sway of engagement, Beijing escaped more active Washington opposition. In fact, as engagement became an ever more deeply rooted article of American faith, China was also able to garner support from other segments of U.S. society, such as academia, the philanthropic community, civil society, and business, as well. By offering Beijing a “no fault China” policy, the U.S. commitment to engagement proved an enormous providence for Beijing: It could focus on economic growth and augment its wealth and power in an unchallenged environment.

这是非常精明的一招,当一届又一届的美国总统受到“接触政策”的影响,北京得以躲过了华盛顿更加活跃的反对。事实上,这种“接触政策”成为了越来越深层扎根于美国信念的一个条款,中国能够从美国社会的其它层面获得支持,比如学术界,慈善界,公民社会,还有商界。通过向北京提供“中国不会错”的政策,美国对这个“接触政策”的忠诚证实了对于北京的一个巨大的福祉:它可以在一个没有挑战的环境下专注于经济增长,也就是壮大它的财富跟权力。

翻译:ignoreme;PR:孙行者;Page:拱卒

The Death of Engagement / 中美接触终止

Part V/ 第五部

When Bill Clinton unapologetically attacked his predecessor’s accommodationist policy towards China at the Democratic National Convention in 1992, he promised a “covenant with America” that “will not coddle tyrants from Baghdad to Beijing.”

1992年,当比尔·克林顿在民主党全国代表大会上毫不客气的攻击上届总统对中共国的妥协政策时,他向美国许下一份承诺:不会像对巴格达那样把北京纵容成一个暴君。

As he told The New York Times, “one day [the PRC] will go the way of communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union,” so the U.S. “must do what it can to encourage that process.” And when Bush had extended China’s Most Favored Nation trading status without conditions, Clinton had disparaged the move as “unconscionable” and “another sad chapter in this administration’s history of putting America on the wrong side of human rights and democracy.” Now the prospect of his victory seemed likely to push U.S.-China policy in a far more antagonistic direction.

就像他对纽约时报说的,“总有一天,中共国会像东欧和前苏联的共产主义政权那样(产生巨变)”。所以,美国“必须尽力鼓励这样的进程”。在布什无条件延长中共国的最惠国待遇时,克林顿贬低此举是“不合情理的”且“把美国置于人权和民主的对立面是布什政府时期令人痛心的内容”。现在,他的胜利带给人们的预期好像是要把美中政策推向一个更加对立的方向。

When he won and China’s economic rise appeared ever more inexorable, Clinton too underwent an alchemic change.

在他赢得大选时,中共国的经济崛起也越发不可阻挡,这时的克林顿也经历了脱胎换骨的变化。

But, when he won and China’s economic rise appeared ever more inexorable, Clinton, too, underwent an alchemic change. As he later wrote, he came to believe that even without ongoing U.S. pressure, China would still “be forced by the imperatives of modern society to become more open.” (Ironically, this very line ended up being excised by censors from the Chinese language translation of his book put out in Beijing).

但是,在他赢得大选后,中共国的经济崛起越发不可阻挡,克林顿也一样脱胎换骨了。像他后来写的,他开始相信,即使美国不持续施压,中共国也“会受现代社会驱使,变得更开放”。(讽刺的是,这句话在翻译成中文时,被北京审查部门删除了。)

It was at a White House press briefing in 1994 that Clinton completed his rebirth as an “engager.” He declared that he’d come to believe “we can best support human rights in China and advance our other very significant issues… by engaging the Chinese” and “delink[ing] human rights from the annual extension of Most Favored Nation status for China.”

1994年的一次白宫新闻发布会上,克林顿完成了与中共国“接触”的重生。他宣布,他现在相信“通过促进与中国的交往,我们能最大程度地支持中共国的人权,促进其他我们关切的重大问题”,他还宣布“将人权问题从中共国每年的最惠国待遇中剥离出来。”

It was quite an about-face, but maintaining the U.S.’s post-1989 massacre, pro-human rights policy was becoming untenable, especially as American businessmen — eager for a piece of the growing China market — began lobbying against it. Some businessmen, admitted Winston Lord, the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, were “not only not supporting us, but were undercutting us with the Chinese.”

这是一个180度的大转弯,它使美国在中共1989大屠杀后的人权优先政策变得站不住脚。特别是美国商人 – 渴望从中共国持续增长的市场中分一块蛋糕 – 开始游说反对该(人权)政策。负责亚太事务的助理国务卿温斯顿·罗德承认,一些商人不仅不支持我们,还同中共国一起挖我们的墙脚。。

Jiang Zemin, Kissinger remembered, “behaved like an affable family member. He was warm and informal. He smiled, laughed and told anecdotes and touched his interlocutors to establish a bond…Jiang was the least Middle Kingdom-type of personality that I encountered among Chinese leaders.” Credit: Joyce Naltchayan/AFP via Getty Images 基辛格这样回忆江泽民说,“表现的像个和蔼可亲的家人,他温暖且不拘礼节,他微笑,说一些轶事,触碰他的对话者来建立纽带。。江是我遇到的中共国领导人中,最没有中央王国类型性格的。” 图片来源:Joyce Naltchayan/法新社 Getty图片

As China gained more and more economic power, the terms of the game were changing, and Clinton recognized he would have to rebalance the linkage between rights and commercial interests. As James Mann bluntly put it, commerce had become “the dominant motivating force behind American policy.” With its new commercial power, China was beginning to understand they could resist U.S. pressure and, if they only held out long enough when crises arose, Washington would yield. Indeed, on May 26, 1994, Clinton finally did grant China unconditional MFN status.

由于中共国获得了越来越强的经济实力,游戏规则正在改变,克林顿认识到他必须重新平衡权力和经济利益的关系。詹姆斯·曼直截了当的说,商业已成为“美国政策的指导力量”。凭借其新的商业实力,中共国开始明白他们可以抵抗美国的压力,并且,如果他们坚持足够长久,当危机来临,华盛顿就会投降。实际上,在1994年5月26日,克林顿最终给予了中共国最惠国待遇地位。

“We’ve reached the end of the usefulness of that policy,” he said to justify his flip-flop. “It’s time to take a new path.”

“该政策的效用已经到头了,”他说,想证明他的立场。“是时候寻找一条新路径了”。

The reprise of a slogan that Deng had launched in the 1980s — “Hide one’s abilities and bide one’s time” (韬光养晦 等待时机) — helped ease the way for Clinton. By suggesting that as it rose, China would resist displays of muscular nationalism and military belligerence, he made China’s rise appear less threatening. At the same time, a growing eagerness among American businessmen to profit from China’s low labor costs and the potential of its enormous markets dovetailed with the logic of a new American bromide: “Open markets lead to open societies.” Such slogans helped Clinton conclude that a more open marketplace would ineluctably “increase the spirit of liberty,” so that even without MFN pressure “over time” China would open “just as inevitably as the Berlin Wall fell.” It was a beguiling dream, and by the end of his first term a full-blown policy of engagement had taken form around it.

邓小平在1980年代倡导的口号再次被提起-韬光养晦 等待时机-为克林顿铺路。他说中共国会收起民族主义和军事挑衅,这使得中共国的崛起看上去没有什么威胁性。同时,美国商人中间对中共国廉价劳动力带来的利润和它巨大的市场的日益渴望,也和美国人的一种新的老生常谈的逻辑相吻合:“开放市场会导致社会的开放“。这个口号帮助克林顿得出结论:更开放的市场不可避免的会“提升自由精神”,所以即使没有最惠国待遇的压力,随着时间推移,中共国也会开放--“就像柏林墙倒塌不可避免”。它是一个诱人的梦,到他的第一个任期结束,全面接触的政策已经形成。

Clinton fleshed out his new policy, called “comprehensive engagement,” which toned down ostracism of China in favor of high-level interaction, even agreeing to meet with Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin at the 1993 Seattle Asian leaders summit. By July 1996, despite two provocative PRC missile firings in the Taiwan Straits, Clinton had concluded that “the nature of the changes going on in China and the way [the Chinese leadership] looked at the world and us” had rendered his previous views “simply not right.”

克林顿充实了他的新政策,称之为“全面接触”,这缓和了对中共国的排斥且有利于高层交流,甚至同意与中共总书记江泽民在1993年西雅图亚洲领导人峰会会晤。1996年7月,尽管中共国在台湾海峡发射了两枚挑衅性导弹,克林顿得出的结论还是“中共国正在发生的变化的性质,以及他们的领导人看待世界和我们的方式”已经证明了他之前的观点“根本不对”。

The same U.S. goals, he declared, could be better attained by embracing, rather than opposing, China. Like Carter, he had reversed rudders, and by 1997 his administration was touting the idea of building a “constructive strategic partnership” with Beijing, one that David M. Lampton described as a mixture of “positive inducement, dialogue, and closed-door diplomacy.” The virtues of engaging China would become one of the best-branded and most deeply rooted bipartisan strategies in the annals of recent American foreign policy history.

同样的,他声称,美国的目标可能会通过与中共国融合更好实现,而不是相反。像卡特曾经改变方向一样,到1997年,他的政府也在鼓吹与北京建立“建设性战略伙伴关系”,大卫·兰普顿形容为“积极诱导、对话和关门”的混合外交”。和中共国接触的好处,将会成为美国近代外交史上,两党战略最具影响力的和根深蒂固的标志

For anyone who’d experienced the events of 1989, it was surreal to be standing on the steps leading up to the Great Hall of the People awaiting the arrival of president Bill Clinton on a spring day in 1998. For it was less than a decade since protesting students had knelt right here to proffer a petition of grievances to their leaders. And it was down these same steps that PLA troops had spilled on June 4th to deliver one of the most humiliating self-inflicted wounds of the twentieth century as the “People’s Liberation Army” fired on its own “people.” At the time, I’d found it impossible to imagine the CCP ever exorcising such ghosts, ones that had provoked Clinton himself to blithely declare that the Chinese Government “was on the wrong side of history,” as if history had some ineluctable democratic forward motion that Americans alone divined. Yet, here we were back in Tiananmen Square on a bright sunny day, with two smiling presidents greeting each other as if nothing had happened in this most symbolic of Chinese places.

对任何经历了1989事件的人来说,在1998年春天,站在人民大会堂台阶上等待比尔·克林顿总统到访是很梦幻的。从抗议学生跪在这里提交请愿书表达对领导人的不满才不到10年的时间。也是从这些台阶,解放军在6月4日走下来,作为“人民解放军”对自己的“人民”开火,制造了20世纪最耻辱的自我伤害。那时候,我发现很难想象中共曾经驱赶这些英灵,它们曾激怒克林顿轻率的宣布中共政府“站在历史的错误一边”,仿佛只有美国人猜到了历史上有一些不可思议的民主推进运动。然而,回到天安门广场,我们发现在阳光明媚的一天,两位互相微笑的领导人在互相致意,好像在中国这个最具象征意义的地方,从未发生过那些事情。

What is more, even though the choreography was highly ritualized, it was abundantly evident from the way Jiang Zemin took Clinton’s arm as he stepped from his limo that both were enjoying each other’s company. Eager to let bygones be bygones, they strode down a red carpet past an honor guard and stood at attention as their national anthems were played. Then, as officials and the press corps filed into the Great Hall, an astonishing announcement was circulated: Jiang would allow the press conference (complete with an unscripted question and answer period) to be broadcast live on both radio and television across China. This meant that if the two leaders strayed into sensitive political territory, there would be no last-minute way for censors to sanitize the record. It was a dramatic gesture of Jiang’s eagerness to interact with Clinton as an equal.

更甚的是,虽然编排高度仪式化,但是从江泽民挽着克林顿的手臂从豪车上下来时,极其明显两人很享受一起的时光。他们伴着国歌声,大步走在红毯上,检阅仪仗队,渴望着让过去成为过去。然后,当官员和记者团体涌进大会堂,一个惊人的消息被散发:江会允许中共国的广播和电视直播新闻发布会(完全的无脚本问答)。这意味着,如果双方领导人涉及到敏感的政治领域,将没有最后的机会审查来删除记录。这是江泽民渴望与克林顿平等交流的戏剧性姿态。

Indeed, so animated did Clinton’s good-old-boy Arkansas bonhomie make Jiang that, once the press conference began, he displayed a degree of extemporaneity rarely seen in official China. Turbo-charged with the challenge of holding his own with this American master of give-and-take, even when the conversation veered into the sensitive issue of human rights, Jiang gamely plowed on to defend China’s record. And then when things might have ended, he cheerfully piped up, “I’d like to know whether President Clinton will have anything more to add?” He did.

实际上,克林顿的阿肯色州老男孩性情让江很活跃,发布会开始后,他展现了中共国官方少有一定程度上的即兴发挥。与这位美国大师的交锋中,江充满了挑战,即使对话转向敏感的人权问题,江也不屈的捍卫中共国的成绩。之后,发布会快结束的时候,他高声说:“我想知道克林顿总统是否还有什么补充。”

“If you are so afraid of personal freedom because of the abuses that you limit people’s freedom too much, then you pay,” Clinton continued, clearly relishing the way the exchange was developing. And, he added, “I believe, an even greater price [will be paid] in a world where the whole economy is based on ideas and information.”

克林顿继续道:“如果因为有人谩骂就惧怕个人自由,过度限制人民的自由,那么你会付出代价”,他显然享受这种交换意见的方式。他补充道:“我认为,在一个整个经济都基于思想和信息(自由)的世界里,会付出更大的代价。”

“I am sorry to have to take up an additional five minutes,” Jiang interjected, seeming to enjoy the back-and-forth despite the controversial nature of their subjects. “I’d like to say a few words on the Dalai Lama.” Jaws dropped. Tibet and its exiled religious leader were not topics Chinese leaders welcomed, especially with Americans before live TV cameras. Nonetheless, Jiang went on, “During my visit to the U.S. last year, I found that although education in science and technology has developed to a very high level and people are now enjoying modern civilization, still quite a number believe in Lamaism [Tibetan Buddhism]. I want to find out the reason why.”

“很抱歉多占用5分钟,”江打断说,看上去很享受来回交锋,尽管主题带有争议性。“我想说说达赖喇嘛,”惊掉下巴,西藏和他们流亡的宗教领袖是不受中共领导欢迎的话题,尤其是与美国人在镜头前谈论。尽管如此,江继续说道,“在我去年访问美国期间,我发现虽然科学技术教育已经发展到很高水平,人们也享受着现代文明,但是仍然有一部分人相信喇嘛教(藏传佛教),我想找出原因。”

Known for singing “Home on the Range” and reciting bits of the Gettysburg Address at diplomatic gatherings, Jiang sometimes bordered on flamboyance, even clownishness. But he was also disarming, the perfect engagement partner for a glad-handing Clinton. Alas, he would be the last such Chinese leader.

因为在外交会议上演唱“牧场是我家”和背诵葛底斯堡演说的段落而闻名,江有时候很浮夸,甚至是小丑。但是他也没有戒备,对热情的克林顿来说是完美的“接触对象”。可惜,他是最后一个这样的中共领导人。

Back home, after dismissively comparing the yearly congressional MFN review process to “fly-paper” that “accumulated frustrations of people about things in the world they don’t like very much,” in 2000 Clinton approved Permanent Normal Trade Relations status for China. Then he facilitated its accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO) the following year. Both moves bolstered hopes that China’s inclusion in the American-led global trading system would not only lower bilateral trade deficits but encourage further political reform.

回国后,在不屑一顾地将年度最惠国待遇审查程序与那些充满人们对世界上不符合他们口味的事情产生的沮丧的传单进行比较后,在2000年,克林顿批准了中共国的永久最惠国待遇。之后,他又在第二年促成其加入WTO。这两个举动都提振了人们的希望:中共国纳入美国主导的世界贸易体系,不仅,能降低双方的贸易逆差,还能促进对方进一步政治改革。

As Clinton lectured students at Johns Hopkins University, “By joining the WTO, China is not simply agreeing to import more of our products, it is agreeing to import one of democracy’s most cherished values, economic freedom. The more China liberalizes its economy, the more fully it will liberate the potential of its people — their initiative, their imagination, their remarkable spirit of enterprise… [and] the genie of freedom will not go back into the bottle.”

像克林顿在约翰霍普金斯大学给学生的演讲里说的,“通过加入WTO,中共国不是简单的同意进口我们的产品,也承诺引进民主制最珍视的价值观之一:自由经济”。中共国的经济越自由化,也就越能全面的解放人民的潜力--他们的积极性,想象力以及他们非凡的企业精神。并且,自由的基因不会再封在瓶子里。

Madeleine Albright, who served as Bill Clinton’s Secretary of State during his second term, hoped that social and economic engagement with China would have “a liberalizing effect on political and human rights practices.” But she also added, “Given the nature of China’s government, that progress will be gradual, at best, and by no means inevitable.” Credit: NARA 玛德琳·奥尔布赖特,是比尔·克林顿第二个任期的国务卿,希望社会和经济都有中共国参与,这也会影响到政治和人权的开放“。但是她也说:“鉴于中共政府的本性,这是个渐进的过程,最好是,当然也绝对不是一个必然的过程。” 图片来源:NARA

His Secretary of State Madeleine Albright also hope “that the trend toward greater economic and social integration of China will have a liberalizing effect on political and human rights practices.” But she also sagely added, “Given the nature of China’s government, that progress will be gradual, at best, and by no means inevitable.”

他的国务卿玛德琳·奥尔布赖特还希望“与中共国更大程度的经济和社会的融合对实践政治和人权自由具有影响。”但是她也明智的补充道:“鉴于中共政府的本性,这是个渐进的过程,充其量,但也不是绝对是必然的。”

With the threat of the USSR gone, Clinton was endowing U.S.-China policy with a new core logic: open markets will promote a more equal and liberal society. “Imagine how [the Internet] could change China,” he evangelically asked an audience in 2000 as he hailed this new era. “China’s been trying to crack down on the Internet,” he continued rhapsodically. “Good luck! That’s sort of like trying to nail jello to the wall.”

随着苏联的威胁的逝去,克林顿赋予美中政策新的内核逻辑:开放市场会促进更平等的自由社会。“想想互联网是怎么改变中共国的,”在2000年,他传福音似的问观众,作为对新世纪的欢呼。“中共国一直试图打压互联网,”他继续畅想,“可能吗?这就像想往墙上钉果冻一样(难)。”

编辑:【喜马拉雅战鹰团】Edited by:【Himalaya Hawk Squad】