作者：Mary Hui/玛丽 ·许
新闻来源： Quartz/石英财经网
PR：leftgun
翻译/简评:：CharlesS
校对：Julia Win
简评：
圣城香港仍在受难！
这篇报道的作者说，中共趁世界不注意的时候，重写了香港的全部规则。从4月17日“中”（共）联办的声明开始，5日内，包括香港法院的判决、还有香港警察抓捕去年的抗议老将，香港的法治公开实质地被摧毁殆尽。但这仍没有结束，最近如5月10日的抗议活动中，黑警甚至拘捕了一名12岁的公民记者，并指责他为暴徒。
你印象中的香港人是怎么样的？像周星驰电影里的那些人，平凡而各自有魅力；像发哥那样，小马哥那样的英雄，会让你尊敬，但不用你顶礼膜拜。对了，这就是香港人，平民英雄。
无论邪恶中共杀了多少人，香港人都没有害怕，也没有停止。想把香港法治改成中共邪恶制度？香港人遵从自然的法则，Be Water，最柔弱又最强大的力量，每个人都是其中一部分。中共能暂时改变香港表面上的“游戏规则”，但这已经是它的败局。无论是香港人生活化的反抗，深入骨髓的自由法治，还是层出不穷的智慧，都不是这种卑劣手段所能吓阻的。这种行为只能更显中共的邪恶，增加大审判时的罪名。
香港打开了中共灭亡的第一道大门，天灭中共，不可逆转！
NO TIME LIKE THE PRESENT
没有哪个时候像现在这样
While the world wasn’t looking, Beijing re-wrote the rules in Hong Kong at startling speed
在世界不注意的时候，北京以惊人的速度重写了香港规则
May 15, 2020
2020年5月15日
Compared to last year, the streets of Hong Kong over the past few months have been largely quiet. Gone are the massive protests, as people stayed home to stave off the pandemic. But away from the global spotlight, drastic changes have unfurled at remarkable speed in the city.
与去年相比，过去几个月香港的街道大体安静了许多。 人们为了躲避疫情而呆在家里，大规模的抗议活动已经过去。 但远离了全球的聚焦，这座城市中的巨变正以惊人的速度展开。
Just 10 days after authorities lifted the weeks-long lockdown of Wuhan, the city at the center of the outbreak, China turned its attention to Hong Kong and dialled up the pressure while the rest of the world was preoccupied with the pandemic.
在当局对武汉这个疫情爆发中心，解除了为期数周的封锁后仅十天，趁着世界其它地方全神贯注于疫情的时候，中共国就将注意力转移到了香港，并施以更大压力。
Beijing fired its opening salvo on April 17, when its liaison office in Hong Kong effectively dismantled over two decades of legal precedence by declaring that it has full authority to interfere in Hong Kong’s affairs, leaving legal scholars and experts on the city’s mini constitution appalled. The next day, 15 veteran leaders of the city’s democracy movement were arrested over their roles in last year’s protests. A few days later, the central government’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office issued a string of statements, voicing support for the liaison office while condemning opposition figures and politicians. In the span of five days, the rules of engagement between Beijing and Hong Kong—ostensibly a city with a high degree of autonomy over its own affairs—were completely rewritten.
北京政权于4月17日拉响了开幕礼炮，当时其驻香港联络办公室（“中”联办）宣布已完全有权干预香港事务，实质破除了长达20年的香港法律优先权，使的这座城市“迷你”宪法（基本法）的法律学者和专家无比震惊。 第二天，该市民主运动的15名资深领导人因在去年抗议活动中的角色而被捕。 几天后，（中共）中央政府的香港和澳门事务办公室发表了一系列声明，表达了对联络办公室（“中”联办）的支持，同时谴责了反对派人士和政客。 短短五天的时间里，北京与香港之间的交往规则——表面上是一个高度自治的城市，但实际上却已被完全改写。
Meanwhile, as Hong Kong appears to have contained local transmission of Covid-19 cases, protesters are again itching to vent their long list of grievances. Across the city, small crowds gathered at shopping malls to sing and chant slogans—though police have been quick to break them up with pepper-spray and batons, charging protesters with breaking social distancing rules even while bar-goers and pro-government demonstrators were largely left to their own devices. To many, the double standards were stark: the police were using public health rules to clamp down on anti-government protesters.
同时，由于香港似乎遏制住了本地传播的中共武汉肺炎病例，抗议者再次渴望释放心中一大堆的不满。 在整个城市范围内，众多小群人聚集在各购物中心唱歌和喊口号。尽管警察迅速用胡椒喷雾和警棍将他们驱散，但仍指责抗议者违反社会间隔条例，与此同时酒客和亲政府示威者却不受任何阻挠。对许多人来说，双重标准是显而易见的：警察正在利用公共卫生规则来镇压反政府示威者。
Police brutality is one of the biggest grievances that remains unaddressed, and to date no officer has been charged for their frequent use of excessive force during the protests. Just this month, police have pepper-sprayed reporters at close range; forced dozens of reporters to kneel and squat while hurling abuse at them; body-slammed an opposition lawmaker; and detained a 12-year-old student reporter who one officer accused of being an “illegal rioter.” Public anger toward the force has only increased amid a string of recent scandals involving officers, including over illegal structures at the residences of top brass and drug possession.
警察的残暴行为仍未得到解决，这是最大的怨恨之一。迄今为止，还没有任何警员因在抗议活动中频繁使用过度武力而受到指控。就在这个月，警察近距离向记者使用胡椒喷雾；迫使数十名记者蹲跪下并对他们辱骂； 对一名反对派议员进行身体攻击；拘留了一名12岁的学生记者，一个警员称他为“非法暴徒”。 在最近一系列涉及官员的丑闻中，包括对警队高层违法建筑和藏毒，公众对该部队的愤怒有增无减。
“The police… have become much more hardline right now because they want to eradicate any sign of protest before they can get large,” said Samson Yuen, an assistant professor of political science at Hong Kong’s Lingnan University. ”The hardline repression policy is to scare everyone away from the streets, so there will be a very high cost if you protest.”
“警察……现在变得更加强硬，因为他们想在抗议扩大之前消除任何迹象。” 香港岭南大学政治学助理教授袁瑋熙说，“强硬的镇压政策是要恐吓每个人远离街道。因此，提出抗议的人会付出很高昂的代价。”
Protests last year started with massive marches against a controversial extradition bill that drew over a million people. Then, in order to stay one step ahead of the police, protesters adopted a “be water” strategy, engaging in wildcat demonstrations across the city. Fiery sieges at local universities followed, though many saw that as a costly tactical mistake. Now, protesters say that as the movement has matured, and also as a result of unchecked police aggression, forms of resistance will become more diverse.
去年的抗议活动始于反对有争议的引渡法案，大规模游行吸引了超过百万人。 然后，为了领先警察一步，示威者采取了“如水般”的策略，在全市范围内进行野猫式（快闪）示威。 随后（香港黑警）对当地大学进行了激烈的围攻，有许多人认为这是代价高昂的（示威者）战术失误。 现在，抗议者说，随着运动的成熟以及警察的侵略行径不受控制，抵抗的形式将更加多样化。
“The momentum is not dying out. But the momentum of the protest is channeled to different spheres of actions,” said Johnson Yeung, a human rights activist. Aside from large-scale marches, he said, protesters now have a deeper arsenal of tools to draw on.
“势头并没有消失。但是抗议活动的势头被转移到不同的行动领域。”人权活动家楊政賢说。 他说，除了大规模游行之外，示威者现在拥有更加丰富的工具库可供使用。
There is the “yellow economic circle,” referring to protesters’ boycott of businesses that are pro-government and pro-China. There are also the dozens of new workers’ unions formed since late last year, now boasting almost 200,000 members, creating a space “where resistance can be incubated and cultivated,” said Yeung. In February, for example, a strike by the medical workers’ union was widely seen to have successfully pressured the government to enact stricter border controls as the pandemic unfolded in mainland China—though the government denies it succumbed to such compulsion. The union movement may yet leverage their newfound economic power to agitate for greater rights.
这里有一个“黄色经济圈”，指的是抗议者抵制亲政府和亲中共国的企业。自去年底以来，还成立了数十个新的工会，如今拥有近20万名会员，创造了一个“抵抗力量可以孵化和成长的空间”。楊政賢说。例如，在2月份，随着疫情在中共国大陆的蔓延，医务工作者工会的罢工已成功地迫使政府施行了更严格的边境管制，尽管政府否认它屈服于这种强迫。工会运动可能仍会利用其新发现的经济方面的力量，激荡而获取更大的权利。
Hong Kongers have also learned to weave protesting into the fabric of everyday life. Protests are no longer circumscribed by large-scale street demonstrations, but are instead a new normal of lived resistance. Which businesses to patronize, what media to consume, even subtle color schemes and gestures on social media profiles—all are now markers of resistance. “The protests last year have turned dissent into a very private activity. It’s embedded in your daily life, and it’s surprisingly resilient, especially among the young people,” said Yuen.
香港人还学会了将抗议活动融入日常生活。抗议活动不再受大规模街头示威的限制，而是抵抗生活化的新常态。 现在，光顾哪些企业，消费哪种媒体，甚至社交媒体配置上的微妙配色方案和手势，这些都成为抵抗的标志。 “去年的抗议已让异议活动进入到非常私人的活动地带。 它嵌入到日常生活中，并且具有惊人的弹性，尤其是在年轻人中间。” 杨说道。
Fearful of a return of last year’s pitched street battles, Beijing is pushing the Hong Kong government to pass a series of laws that will consolidate the central government’s power. One is a bill that would make it a crime to disrespect the Chinese national anthem. A second reading of the legislation is scheduled for the end of the month. Another is a national security law that critics say could incriminate a large swathe of anti-government action. And with the approaching legislative elections in September, many fear the government will find ways to disqualify opposition candidates—indeed, the incessant messaging from Beijing targeting one such current lawmaker suggests that they already have names in mind.
由于担心去年激烈的街头战斗的再次发生，北京正在推动香港政府通过一系列法律，以巩固中央政府的权力。 其中一项法案将不尊重中共国国歌定为犯罪。 该法案计划于本月底进行二读（一种立法步骤）。 另一项则是国家安全法，批评者说这能将大量反政府行为入罪。随着9月份即将举行的立法选举，许多人担心政府将寻找方法取消反对派候选人资格-的确，来自北京的针对一位现任立法者的消息不断暗示着他们已经有了名单。
And where Beijing’s liaison office in Hong Kong used to keep a low profile behind the facade of its drab building on the fringes of the main business district, it now comments publicly on just about every local issue. Just last week, it called the protesters a “political virus,” a disturbing parallel to Beijing’s use of the term “ideological virus” in Xinjiang. And, seemingly incognizant of the irony, the Communist Party decried Hong Kong protesters’ violation of free market principles in boycotting pro-China businesses.
北京驻香港联络处，过去常常低调地藏在主要商业区边缘的单调建筑外墙后面，现在它几乎对每个当地事宜都公开发表评论。 就在上周，它称抗议者为“政治病毒”，这与北京在新疆使用“意识形态病毒”一词一样令人不安。但好比没意识到的讽刺，共产党谴责香港抗议者在抵制亲中共国企业时违反了自由市场原则。
Schools are under pressure, too. Many teachers fear retribution over their support for the protests, and Hong Kong’s chief executive Carrie Lam has warned of students being “poisoned” by “false and biased information,” singling out the local civic studies curriculum as prone to being “infiltrated” by hostile ideas.
学校也面临压力。许多老师担心他们对抗议活动的支持会受到报复。香港行政长官林郑月娥警告说，学生被“虚假和有偏见的信息”“毒化”，把当地的公民研究课程选为容易被敌对想法“渗透”的地方。
Wong Ji-yuet, an activist, said she happened to be walking by a protest site last weekend when officers stopped her and subjected her to sexual harassment. It was in that moment that she realized “resisting” can take time anyplace anytime. “We might just be passing through, but they might not like the look of you or lose their wits and arrest you,” she said. “This itself has become part of the resistance.”
活动人士黃子悅说，上周末她正好在一个抗议地点旁走过，当时警察阻止了她，并对她进行了性骚扰。 正是在那一刻，她意识到“抵抗”随时随地都可能发生。 她说：“我们可能只是路过，但他们可能不喜欢你的外观，或者失去理智并逮捕你。” 她说，“这本身已成为抵抗的一部分。”
编辑：【喜马拉雅战鹰团】Edited by：【Himalaya Hawk Squad】