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平克顿:与中国人一起反对共产主义政权 【中英对照翻译】

原文來源:Breitbart

原文作者:JAMES P. PINKERTON, 25 May 2020

翻译、简评:海阔天空

校对:Julia Win

简评:

爆料革命的最大成果之一就是将中国人和中国共产党分开,这也充分体现了爆料革命的睿智与远见。中共长期以来绑架十四亿中国人民,躲在中国人民的保护伞下对中国人民为非作歹,肆意妄为。国内有人批评中共,就会被中共扣上一顶不爱国甚至叛国的大帽子,进行各种迫害与打击,甚至让批评者锒铛入狱,更甚者,如刘晓波直接被中共折磨致死。国外有人批评中共,中共立马就跳起来指责国外的批评人士种族主义。这是中共的绝妙策略。为了绑架十四亿人民,中共不惜拍摄各种假视频,丑化中国人群体,从而把中国同胞都推向中共一边。而爆料革命旗帜鲜明地把中共和中国人分开,终于让国外的精英、让国际社会看清了中国人是中国共产党的最大受害者,中国人一直是中国共产党的奴隶、人质。中国人勤劳勇敢智慧,只要给他们好的制度和社会环境,他们完全可以展现出全世界最高的素质,比如香港;他们完全可以建设好民主国家,比如台湾;他们也绝对会为了自由反抗暴政,比如爆料革命。这种把中共与中国人民分开的做法,会让更多的中国人看清中共的真实面目,看清中共奴隶主的本质,看清中共黑帮团伙的本质,看清中共邪恶诈骗集团的本质。

同样,对西方社会来说,把中共与中国人分开,能够让西方社会更清醒地认识到自己的敌人,就是掌握全中国90%财富的一小撮极端鲁莽的中共盗国贼集团。这能够让西方对中共进行制裁时更加有的放矢。比如西方制裁中共的高官,冻结贪官的海外资产,取消贪官以及子女的海外签证,这种制裁方式更能精准打击中共、进而达到灭共的目的。同时,对西方社会来说,把中共与中国人分开,也能够吸引更多的中国人加入到灭共阵营。中国人认识到西方打击的是少数盗国贼。盗国贼的灭亡,并非中国人的末日。相反,是中国人的新生和希望。这样支持西方的力量就会增强,与中共为伍的力量就会削弱。这非常有助于以美国为首的西方,取得目前中共发起的超限战的胜利。所以,把中共与中国,把中共与中国人民分开,并不是西方对中国人的慈悲,而是西方的正确;把中共与中国人民分开,并不 仅仅是一种观念上的转变,更对西方赢得超限战具有重要意义。此外,把中共与中国人分开,正确地评价中国人,对待中国人,也能让美国充分利用中国人、华人的聪明才智,建设更好的美国和更好的世界。以美国为首的西方,只有在人道、自由、公平、博爱方面表现出比极权统治更高的优越性,才会赢得包括中国人民在内的世界人民的衷心拥戴。

原文:

Pinkerton: Stand with the Chinese People Against Their Communist Regime

平克顿:与中国人民站在一起反对他们的共产主义政权

The only way that America can unite the world to contain communist China is if it can unite itself. Today, nobody is under any illusions about the chasm of polarization in the United States, and yet that cleft must be repaired, or at least diminished, if we are to withstand the threat from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It’s simple: If China, boasting four times our population, is held together by the iron grip of the CCP, and if the United States is still disuniting, then the communists will win.

美国团结世界遏制共产主义中国的唯一方法就是团结自己。今天,没有人对美国两极分化的鸿沟抱有任何幻想,然而,如果我们要抵御来自中国共产党的威胁,这条鸿沟必须得到修复,或者至少要消除。很简单:如果人口是我们四倍的中共国被共产党的铁腕统治团结在一起,如果美国仍在分裂,那么共产党就会赢。

To be sure, the U.S. will always have partisanship and division. In a free country, such divides are a feature, not a bug. And yet at the same time, under threat, we must be able to come together as a team. That was the lesson, for example, of the U.S. in World War II.

可以肯定的是,美国将永远存在党派之争和分歧。在一个自由的国家,这种分歧是一种特征,而不是缺陷。但与此同时,在面临威胁的情况下,我们必须能够团结一致。例如,这就是美国在第二次世界大战中得到的教训。

In the late 1930s, we were plenty split, New Deal vs. anti-New Deal, internationalist vs. isolationist—and yet after Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, the nation came together to fight and to win. We held elections all through the war, including a presidential election in 1944, and yet neither party, Democrat or Republican, wanted anything less than full victory overseas. And thankfully, that’s what we got because we had earned it.

在20世纪30年代末,我们有很多分歧,新政与反新政,国际主义与孤立主义,但在1941年12月7日的珍珠港事件之后,这个国家团结起来战斗并取得了胜利。整个战争期间,我们都举行了选举,包括1944年的总统选举,但无论是民主党还是共和党,都希望在海外取得全面胜利。值得庆幸的是,这是我们应得的。

Yes, it was a painful victory, coming at the price of more than 400,000 dead, but the alternative—a world dominated by Hitler’s aggression and genocide—was infinitely worse.

是的,这是一场痛苦的胜利,付出的代价是40多万人死亡,但另一种结果——一个被希特勒的侵略和种族灭绝统治的世界——要糟糕得多。

A similar story of collective national resolve could be told about the Cold War against Soviet communism, which lasted from 1946—when Winston Churchill delivered his famous “Iron Curtain” speech with President Harry Truman in the audience—until 1991, when came the final collapse of the Soviet Union.

从1946年到1991年,温斯顿·丘吉尔与哈里·杜鲁门总统在观众席上发表了著名的“铁幕”演讲,整个冷战一直持续到苏联最终解体。

So for nearly half a century, the U.S. engaged in what a great Cold Warrior, John F. Kennedy, aptly described as a “long twilight struggle.” And yet while America’s Cold War consensus was sorely stressed at times, as during the Vietnam War, it held together until the successful conclusion of the struggle, during the presidencies of Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush.

因此,在近半个世纪的时间里,美国陷入了伟大的冷战勇士约翰·F·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)所说的“漫长的黎明之战”。然而,尽管美国的冷战共识有时受到严重的压力,比如在越南战争期间,但在罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan)和乔治·h·w·布什(George H.W. Bush)担任总统期间,它一直维系到这场斗争的成功结束。

Indeed, as we think about our national institutions in times of trial—including, today, the coronavirus crisis—we might be reminded of the idealistic motto of The Grange, that venerable American farm organization: “In essentials, unity; in non-essentials, liberty; in all things, charity.” For our purposes here, we’ll focus on the essential unity—that is, today, the essential of unifying to thwart communist China’s bid for world hegemony.

事实上,当我们在审判中思考我们的国家机构时——包括今天的冠状病毒危机——我们可能会想起美国农业组织Grange的理想主义座右铭:“我们将在必要的事情上相互团结;在非必要的事情上自由;凡事以仁爱为善。“为了我们今天的目的,我们将把重点放在必要的统一上——也就是今天团结一致以挫败共产主义中国谋求世界霸权的本质。

By now, every American should be familiar with the threat from the CCP’s control of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The CCP’s so-called “hard power” of economic and military might—much of it gained by manipulating and hacking America these past three decades—has surged.

现在,每个美国人都应该对中国共产党对中华人民共和国(PRC)控制所带来的威胁有所了解。中国共产党所谓的经济和军事“硬实力”——过去三十年通过操纵和入侵美国获得的大部分——已经激增。

And yet the CCP’s hard power has been joined by “soft power,” which is intangible, but still important, because it affects the human mind and heart. As the philosopher Blaise Pascal once wrote, public opinion is “the queen of the world.” Oftentimes, soft power is thought of as idealism about, say, freedom or democracy, and yet it can be any sort of opinion, including the concern over victimization and racism. Anyone who thinks that these concerns aren’t powerful forces in the world today hasn’t been paying attention.

然而,中国共产党的硬实力已经与“软实力”结合在了一起。“软实力”是无形的,但仍然很重要,因为它影响着人的思想和心灵。正如哲学家布莱斯•帕斯卡(Blaise Pascal)曾经写到的那样,公众舆论是“世界女王”。通常,软实力被认为是关于自由或民主的理想主义,但它也可以是任何一种观点,包括对受害者和种族主义的担忧。任何认为这些担忧不是当今世界强大力量的人都没有注意到这一点。

In fact, incidents of bias and hate, of all kinds, are painfully real. Yes, incidents have been magnified, exaggerated—and sometimes even fabricated—by provocateurs, aided by an often biased and clickbait-hungry media, and yet abuses have been real—and they are nasty, inexcusable, and sometimes criminal.

事实上,各种各样的偏见和仇恨都是真实存在的。是的,事件被煽动者夸大、夸张,有时甚至是捏造的,再加上经常有偏见和渴望点击的媒体,然而虐待行为是真实存在的——它们是肮脏的,不可原谅的,有时是犯罪的。

It’s in this media-drenched environment that propagandists in Beijing have proven themselves skilled. Skilled, that is, at claiming victim status for China. Skilled also at playing the racism card.

正是在这种充满媒体的环境中,北京的宣传人员证明了自己的技巧。也就是说,在为中共国申请受害者地位方面很有技巧。还擅长打种族主义牌。

Specifically, when the totalitarianism of the CCP is criticized by an American or by anyone in the West, Beijing spin doctors often respond by dismissing the criticism as racist. That is, Beijing skips past legitimate criticism of the CCP—for its use of slave labor, its religious persecution, its organ harvesting, its political suppression, its carelessness about the coronavirus—and instead hits back on ethnic grievance.

具体来说,当美国人或任何西方人士批评中国共产党的极权主义时,北京的公关专家往往会以种族主义为由予以驳斥。也就是说,北京跳过了对CCP合法的批评——因为它使用奴隶劳工,它的宗教迫害,它的器官活摘,它的政治镇压,它对冠状病毒的疏忽——而是回击了种族的不满。

The goal of this sly strategy is to cloak the odious communist regime in the mantle of the Chinese people as a whole—the billion and more who live in Mainland China, as well as the tens of millions who live around the world, including here in the United States. Beijing’s hope is that the crimes of the communist government will thus be hidden behind the dignity and majesty of the Han people, possessors of a proud civilization stretching back 3,000 years.

这一狡猾策略的目的,是将可憎的共产主义政权披在全体中国人民的外衣下——生活在中国大陆的十亿以上的人,以及生活在世界各地的数千万人,包括在美国的人。中共国政府希望,这样,共产党政府的罪行将被隐藏在汉人的尊严和威严之下。汉人拥有可以追溯到3000年前的令人自豪的文明。

And we should note that it is the Chinese people who have suffered the most at the hands of the Chinese Communist Party. From the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989–the anniversary of which comes up on June 4–to the streets of Hong Kong today, the CCP brutalizes the Chinese people in plain sight for the whole world to see.

我们应该注意到,中国人民在中国共产党手中遭受的苦难最大。从1989年天安门屠杀事件——6月4日是天安门事件的周年纪念日——到今天的香港街头,中国共产党在众目睽睽之下残酷地对待中国人民。

A young woman is caught between civilians and Chinese soldiers, who were trying to remove her from an assembly near the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on June 3, 1989. Pro-democracy protesters had been occupying Tiananmen Square for weeks calling for democratic reforms and individual freedom. (AP Photo/Jeff Widener)

1989年6月3日,在北京人民大会堂附近的集会上,一名年轻女子被夹在平民和中国士兵之间。支持民主的抗议者已经占领天安门广场数周,呼吁民主改革和个人自由。(美联社照片/杰夫. 怀德纳)

The bodies of dead Chinese civilians lie among mangled bicycles near Beijing’s Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989, after China’s communist regime violently suppressed a pro-democracy protest in an event that became known as the Tiananmen Square massacre. (AP Photo/File)

1989年6月4日,中国共产党政权暴力镇压了一场名为天安门运动的亲民主抗议活动后,北京天安门广场附近被毁坏的自行车中间躺着多具中国平民的尸体。(美联社照片/文件)

A Chinese man stands alone to block a line of tanks heading east on Beijing’s Cangan Boulevard in Tiananmen Square on June 5, 1989. The unknown protester, who became known to the world simply as “Tank Man,” was pulled away by bystanders, and the tanks continued on their way. The day before, China’s communist regime violently suppressed a student-led demonstration for democratic reform, killing thousands of protesters. (AP Photo/Jeff Widener)

1989年6月5日,一名中国男子独自站在天安门广场上的苍安大道上,阻挡向东驶来的坦克队。这位不知名的抗议者被旁观者拖走,坦克继续上路。前一天,中国共产党政权暴力镇压了一场由学生领导的民主改革示威活动,导致数千名抗议者死亡。(美联社照片/杰夫. 怀德纳)

A pro-democracy protester is held by police as demonstrations take place in the streets of Hong Kong on October 1, 2019, as the city observes the National Day holiday to mark the 70th anniversary of communist China’s founding. Police fanned out across Hong Kong in a bid to deter pro-democracy protests against the Chinese Communist Party’s policies. (ANTHONY WALLACE/AFP via Getty Images)

2019年10月1日,在香港庆祝国庆70周年之际,一名支持民主的抗议者被警方拘留。警方在香港各地展开行动,以阻止反对中国共产党政策的民主抗议活动。(安东尼·华莱士/法新社,盖蒂图片社)

A pro-democracy protester is arrested by police near the Hong Kong Polytechnic University on November 18, 2019. (ANTHONY WALLACE/AFP via Getty Images)

2019年11月18日,一名支持民主的抗议者在香港理工大学附近被警方逮捕。(安东尼·华莱士/法新社,盖蒂图片社)

A pro-democracy protester is held down by police during a rally against the Chinese Communist Party’s extradition bill on August 24, 2019, in Hong Kong. (Anthony Kwan/Getty Images)

一名支持民主的抗议者于2019年8月24日在香港举行的反对中国共产党引渡法案的集会上被警方逮捕。(关学津/盖蒂图片社)

It is, indeed, a cynical ploy by the CCP, equating legitimate criticism of the Chinese communists with illegitimate racism against the Chinese people. And yet the ploy could prove effective, if the West carelessly conflates the Chinese Communist Party with the Chinese.

事实上,这是中国共产党的一个愤世嫉俗的策略,将对中国共产党的合法批评等同于对中国人民的非法种族主义。然而,如果西方不小心将中国共产党与中国人混为一谈,这一策略可能会被证明是有效的。

So we can see: If the CCP strategy is to conflate Chinese communism—including the current state-capitalist “Market Maoist” approach—with China itself, then our strategy must be the opposite: We must seek to widen the divide between the CCP and the Chinese people, not only in China, but also among Chinese communities around the world.

所以我们可以看到:如果中共的策略是混淆社会主义中共国-包括当前的国家资本主义“毛派市场”方法与中共国本身,那么我们的战略必须是相反的;我们必须寻求扩大中国共产党和中国人民之间的区别,不仅在中共国,而且在世界各地的华人社区。

We can do this by emphasizing the many crimes of the CCP, and yet, at the same time, we in America must step up our own game. That is, we have to do everything we can to clear away the faults in ourselves. And we have, at times, been at fault.

我们可以通过强调中国共产党的许多罪行来做到这一点,但与此同时,我们美国人必须加强我们自己的游戏。也就是说,我们必须尽我们所能来清除我们自己的缺点。我们有时也会犯错。

We know that anti-Asian incidents and hate crimes have occurred in the United States. Since such despicable acts are not official policy, but rather the dirty deeds of the few, it should be easy enough to make amends, do justice, provide protection, and secure the social peace. Indeed, if we wish to unite this nation, we need to keep it from being divided by racism and nastiness. We owe that much to our fellow citizens, as well as to ourselves, because we all have to live in good conscience in this country.

我们知道,反亚洲事件和仇恨犯罪已经在美国发生。既然这种卑鄙的行为不是官方的政策,而是少数人的肮脏行为,那就应该很容易地进行补救,伸张正义,提供保护,并确保社会和平。事实上,如果我们想要团结这个国家,我们需要防止它被种族主义和肮脏所分裂。我们亏欠我们的同胞,也亏欠我们自己,因为我们都必须在这个国家问心无愧地生活。

Moreover, for the reasons we have seen, such action isn’t just a matter of civility and decency here at home or of law and order; such action, in fact, is a vital part of our national soft-power strategy.

此外,由于我们已经看到的原因,这种行动不仅仅是国内的礼貌和体面问题,或者是法律和秩序问题;事实上,这样的行动是我们国家软实力战略的重要组成部分。

We might pause here to note that the world’s population is about 11 percent white. That means, of course, that “people of color” are 89 percent of the planet. So if the struggle between the USA and the CCP is seen through a white vs. non-white prism—then America, which is hardly itself all white, has a big problem.

我们可以在此稍作停顿,注意到世界人口中大约有11%是白人。当然,这意味着“有色人种”占地球人口的89%。因此,如果美国和中国共产党之间的斗争是从白人和非白人的角度来看待的,那么美国,这个几乎不全是白人的国家,就有大问题了。

Yes, the world situation today is daunting. But we’ve faced daunting situations in the past, and we’ve prevailed. The critical thing is to learn the lessons of what worked in the past—because then we can do it again.

是的,当今世界形势令人生畏。但在过去,我们也曾面临过严峻的形势,我们取得了胜利。关键是要从过去成功的经验中吸取教训——因为这样我们才能再次成功。

World War II and Frank Sinatra

第二次世界大战和弗兰克·西纳特拉

World War II might be best remembered as a battle of bullets and bombs, but it was also a battle of ideas, freedom vs. fascism. Once again, we can see the dichotomy of hard power and soft power: Should the world enjoy liberty and democracy, or should it suffer terror and tyranny? The idealistic answer—that we should strive for the former while fighting the latter—was no small part of our success in the war, because it galvanized not only the American people, but also many peoples around the world.

第二次世界大战最令人难忘的可能是子弹与炮弹之战,但这也是一场思想、自由与法西斯主义之战。再一次,我们可以看到硬实力和软实力的两分法:世界应该享有自由和民主,还是应该遭受恐怖和暴政?理想主义的答案——我们应该为前者而奋斗,为后者而战——是我们在这场战争中取得成功的重要组成部分,因为它不仅激励了美国人民,而且激励了世界各地的许多人。

For instance, on January 1, 1942, the U.S. and 25 other allied nations signed a joint declaration of wartime solidarity for the purpose of defeating fascism and for the promotion of freedom and liberty worldwide. As the document put it, the United Nations, as the 26 nations now called themselves, believed that “complete victory over their enemies is essential to defend life, liberty, independence and religious freedom, and to preserve human rights and justice in their own lands as well as in other lands.” Looking back at the declaration nearly 80 years later, it seems a bit naive, since the non-free Soviet Union was a signatory, and yet the high hopes of the world were a key asset to the U.S. in the war and did, in fact, shape many post-war attitudes in other nations. Moreover, the disappointments of the actual United Nations, the formal organization launched in 1945, were still in the future.

例如,1942年1月1日,美国和其他25个盟国签署了《战时团结宣言》,目的是打败法西斯主义,促进全世界的自由和自由。正如文件所述,联合国(26个国家现在自称为联合国)认为,“彻底战胜敌人对于保卫生命、自由、独立和宗教自由,以及在自己的土地和其他土地上维护人权和正义至关重要。”近80年之后回顾“宣言”,它似乎有点天真,因为尽管非自由苏联是签约国,然而,全世界的厚望是美国在这场战争中的一项重要资产。而且这种厚望也形成了许多其他国家在战后的态度。此外,真正的联合国- - 1945年成立的正式组织- -的失望在未来仍然存在。

But for Uncle Sam to gain the stature of leader of the free world, he had to show the world that he was living by his own ideals. And so improving harmony at home was a major preoccupation even during the fighting.

但是山姆大叔要想成为自由世界的领袖,他必须向世界表明,他是靠自己理想生活的。因此,即使在战争期间,改善国内的和谐也是一个主要的当务之急。

To that end, our wartime commander-in-chief, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, declared the third week of February 1943 to be National Brotherhood Week; patriotic posters, emphasizing the message, we’re all in this together, were seen everywhere. As FDR put it in a proclamation:

为此,我们的战时总司令,富兰克林·罗斯福总统,宣布1943年2月的第三个星期为全国兄弟周;到处都可以看到爱国海报,强调这样的信息,“我们都在一起”。正如罗斯福在一份公告中所说:

We are fighting for the right of men to live as members of one family rather than as masters and slaves. We are fighting that the spirit of brotherhood which we prize in this country may be practiced here and by free men everywhere.

我们正在为人类作为一个家庭的成员,而不是作为主人和奴隶生活的权利斗争。我们为之奋斗的是,我们在这个国家珍视的兄弟情谊的精神,可以在这里和世界各地的自由人身上得到实践。

In those days, Hollywood, too, wanted to help. In 1945, Frank Sinatra, then at the peak of his popularity with teenage bobbysoxers, released a short film, The House I Live In, aimed at reinforcing the brotherhood message:

在那些日子里,好莱坞也想帮忙。1945年,弗兰克·西纳特拉(Frank Sinatra)在青少年中最受欢迎,他发布了一部短片《我住的房子》(the House I Live In),旨在强化兄弟情谊:

In the movie, Sinatra plays himself at a studio recording session; he steps out into the alley to take a break and sees a pack of ten boys picking on a single boy. Sinatra steps forward and breaks up the fracas, quickly discovering that it’s an antisemitic incident. “We don’t like his religion,” one of the pack says, pointing to the lone Jewish boy.

在电影中,西纳特拉在录音棚录音时扮演自己;他走到巷子里去休息,看见十个男孩在欺负一个男孩。西纳特拉挺身而出去拉架,很快发现这是一个反犹事件。“我们不喜欢他的宗教,”其中一人指着那个孤独的犹太男孩说。

Sinatra calms the pack down, explaining:

西纳特拉平静下来,解释说:

Look, fellas: Religion makes no difference. Except maybe to a Nazi—or somebody as stupid. Why, people all over the world worship God in many different ways. God created everybody. He didn’t create one people better than another. Do you know what this wonderful country is made of? It’s made up of a hundred different kind of people.
听着,伙计们:宗教无关紧要。也许除了对纳粹或者像他一样愚蠢的人。为什么,世界各地的人们以不同的方式崇拜上帝。上帝创造每一个人。他没有创造出一个比另一个更好的人。你知道这个奇妙的国家是由什么组成的吗?它是由一百种不同的人组成的。

Having soothed the situation, Sinatra then returns to the studio and sings, “The house I live in, a plot of earth, a street/ The grocer and the butcher, and the people that I meet/ The children in the playground, the faces that I see/ All races and religions, that’s America to me.”

缓和了局势,辛纳特拉然后回到工作室和唱歌,“我住的房子,一块地,一个街头/杂货商和屠夫,和我见面的人/孩子们在操场上,我看到的面孔,/所有种族和宗教,这就是美国给我的。”

Sinatra thus upheld the vision of a tolerant and fair-minded America, an America that could not only live with itself at home, but also present itself to the world as a non-hypocritical champion of freedom and democracy.

因此,西纳特拉坚持一个宽容和公正的美国的愿景,这个美国不仅可以在自己的国家生活,还可以向世界展示自己作为一个不虚伪的自由和民主的捍卫者。

We needed that soft power—joined, of course, with hard power—to defeat Hitler’s Nazi Germany. And after the fighting was over, we would need it, again, to separate Nazism from Germany. That is, we would punish the worst Nazis, forgive the rest, and put the German people as a whole on a path toward democracy, helping them to rebuild along the way.

我们需要软实力,当然,还需要硬实力,来打败希特勒的纳粹德国。战争结束后,我们需要再次将纳粹主义与德国分离开来。也就是说,我们将惩罚最恶劣的纳粹分子,原谅其余的人,并把德国人民作为一个整体放在通往民主的道路上,帮助他们重建。

So again, we see the key strategy: Our enemy is a nation’s evil regime, not the nation itself.

因此,我们再次看到了关键的战略:我们的敌人是一个国家邪恶的政权,而不是这个国家本身。

Victory in the Cold War

冷战的胜利

During World War II, American messaging was made easier because Hitler’s Nazis were so obviously repulsive and warlike. It wasn’t so hard to convince people around the world that the Nazis were the enemy of all humankind.

在第二次世界大战期间,美国的信息传递变得更加容易,因为希特勒的纳粹是如此的令人厌恶和好战。要让全世界的人相信纳粹是全人类的敌人并不难。

However, after 1945, Josef Stalin’s Soviet communists, while themselves plenty blood-drenched and eager to dominate a big chunk of the post-war world, were at great pains to present themselves to the world as both civilized and peaceful. In the struggle for the heart of Pascal’s worldly queen of public opinion, the U.S. had to step up its game and clean up its act. Only then could we expect billions of newly de-colonialized people around the world—what was to become known as the Third World, in contrast to the First World of capitalism and the Second World of communism—to prefer freedom over dictatorship.

然而,在1945年之后,斯大林领导下的苏联共产党人,尽管他们自己也浸透了鲜血,渴望统治战后世界的一大块土地,却煞费苦心地向世界展示他们的文明与和平。在为帕斯卡的世俗舆论女王的核心而斗争中,美国不得不加快步伐,整顿自己的行为。只有到那时,我们才能期望世界各地数十亿新被殖民的人民——与资本主义的第一世界和共产主义的第二世界形成鲜明对比的第三世界——更喜欢自由而不是独裁。

In particular, the U.S. had to deal with its nagging stain of racial discrimination; that was an obvious weakness that critics around the world—often egged on by Soviet propagandists—were quick to seize upon. So the U.S. resolved to fix the problem; that is, we would reform the house that America lives in.

特别是,美国必须处理其挥之不去的种族歧视的污点;这是一个明显的弱点,世界各地的批评家们——经常受到苏联宣传人员的怂恿——很快就抓住了这个弱点。因此,美国决心解决这个问题;也就是说,我们要改革美国人居住的房子。

Such self-improvement was, indeed, a key part of our national Cold War strategy; we would wield the hard power of armies and A-bombs abroad, and at same time deploy the soft power of racial justice at home.

这种自我提高确实是我们国家冷战战略的一个关键部分;我们将在国外使用军队的硬实力和原子弹,同时在国内部署种族正义的软实力。

Back in 1988, Mary L. Dudziak wrote in the Stanford Law Review about the civil rights movement in this Cold War context:

1988年,玛丽·杜齐亚克(Mary L. Dudziak)在《斯坦福法律评论》(Stanford Law Review)上发表了一篇关于冷战背景下的民权运动的文章:

In the years following World War II, racial discrimination in the United States received increasing attention from other countries. Newspapers throughout the world carried stories about discrimination against non-white visiting foreign dignitaries, as well as against American blacks.
在第二次世界大战之后的几年里,美国的种族歧视越来越受到其他国家的关注。世界各地的报纸都刊登了,歧视非白人来访的外国显贵和美国黑人的报道。

In the face of this embarrassment, Dudziak continued, “U.S. government officials realized that their ability to sell democracy to the Third World was seriously hampered by continuing racial injustice at home.” And so it became necessary to “promote civil rights within the United States” as a part of the “more central U.S. mission of fighting world communism.”

面对这种尴尬,杜齐亚克继续说道:“美国政府官员意识到,他们向第三世界兜售民主的能力受到了国内持续存在的种族不公正的严重阻碍。因此,有必要“在美国国内促进公民权利”,作为“美国对抗世界共产主义的更核心使命”的一部分。

So when a Haitian diplomat was refused service at a hotel in Biloxi, Mississippi, it became literally an international incident. Indeed, media from around the world harped on the negative; the headline of a newspaper in Fiji read, “Persecution of Negroes Still Strong in America.” And in India: “Treatment of Negroes a Blot on U.S.”

因此,当一名海地外交官在密西西比州比洛克西的一家酒店被拒绝服务时,这简直成了一场国际事件。事实上,世界各地的媒体都在喋喋不休地谈论负面新闻;斐济一家报纸的头条是“美国对黑人的迫害仍很严重”。在印度,“对待黑人是美国的污点”

The Soviets, of course, were alert to every opportunity to heap scorn on Uncle Sam. The communist newspaper Trud wrote of “the increasing frequency of terroristic acts against negroes.” Indeed, in 1949, the U.S. Embassy in Moscow cabled back to Washington, DC, that the race issue was “one of the principal Soviet propaganda themes regarding the United States.”

当然,苏联人对每一个嘲笑山姆大叔的机会都很警惕。共产主义报纸《Trud》写道,“针对黑人的恐怖主义行为越来越频繁”。事实上,在1949年,美国驻莫斯科大使馆打电报回华盛顿,种族问题是“苏联关于美国的主要宣传主题之一”。

In light of these challenging world dynamics, American leaders saw progress in civil rights not only as a moral cause, but also as a geopolitical necessity. That’s why, for example, the U.S. Justice Department wrote in its amicus brief for the Brown vs. Board of Education school desegregation case of 1954, “It is in the context of the present world struggle between freedom and tyranny that the problem of racial discrimination must be viewed.”

鉴于这些充满挑战的世界动态,美国领导人认为,公民权利的进步不仅是一项道德事业,而且是地缘政治的需要。这就是为什么,例如,美国司法部在1954年布朗诉教育委员会,学校废除种族隔离案的法庭之友摘要中写道,“必须在当今世界自由与暴政斗争的背景下看待种族歧视问题。”

The brief added, “The United States is trying to prove to the people of the world, of every nationality, race and color, that a free democracy is the most civilized and most secure form of government yet devised by man.” The authors of these words were tough-minded Cold War liberals of both parties, supported first by the Democrat Truman administration and then by the Republican Eisenhower administration.

简报还说,“美国正试图向世界上各种国籍、种族和肤色的人民证明,自由民主是人类迄今设计的最文明、最安全的政府形式。”这些话的作者都是两党中意志坚强的冷战自由主义者,他们首先得到了民主党的杜鲁门政府的支持,然后又得到了共和党的艾森豪威尔政府的支持。

As we all know, the Supreme Court decided the Brown case with 9:0 unanimity—that is, it was another instance of bipartisanship. Newspapers in the United States and throughout the world celebrated Brown as a “blow to communism.” Which indeed it was.

我们都知道,最高法院以9:0的一致同意判决了布朗案——这是两党合作的又一个例子。美国和全世界的报纸都称赞布朗是“对共产主义的一次打击”。的确如此。

George E.C. Hayes, left, Thurgood Marshall, center, and James M. Nabrit pose outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, DC, on May 17, 1954. The three lawyers led the fight for abolition of segregation in public schools before the Supreme Court. (AP Photo)

我们都知道,最高法院以9:0的一致同意判决了布朗案——这是两党合作的又一个例子。美国和全世界的报纸都称赞布朗是“对共产主义的一次打击”。的确如此。

In the long run, over more than four decades, the U.S. not only reformed itself, it also succeeded in its Cold War aim: separating the Soviet Communist Party from the Russian people. That is, today, the communists are gone, but Russia is still there.

从长远来看,40多年来,美国不仅进行了改革,而且成功实现了冷战时期的目标:将苏联共产党从俄罗斯人民中分离出去。也就是说,今天,共产党已经消失了,但是俄罗斯仍然存在。

Admittedly, Russia isn’t the friend that we might have hoped for, but neither is it an implacable ideological foe, as were the communists. Indeed, as has been argued here at Breitbart News, we might yet be able to work with post-communist Russia against the communists in China.

诚然,俄罗斯并不是我们所希望的朋友,但它也不像共产党那样是意识形态上的死敌。事实上,正如布莱巴特新闻(Breitbart News)一直在争论的那样,我们或许还能与后共产主义时代的俄罗斯合作,对抗在中国的共产主义。

Victory in Cold War II?

第二次冷战的胜利?

Just on May 13, Axios reporter Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian flagged a remarkable and heartening development. Under the headline, “College Democrats and Republicans denounce racism and CCP,” Allen-Ebrahimian took note of an open letter, “Concerning the Threat of Authoritarian Influence and the Defense of Public Institutions,” signed by young Republicans and young Democrats.

就在5月13日,Axios的记者Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian指出了一个令人振奋的显著进展。在题为“大学民主党人和共和党人谴责种族主义和共产党”的标题下,艾伦-易卜拉欣伊恩注意到一封由年轻的共和党人和年轻的民主党人签署的公开信,题为“关于独裁影响的威胁和对公共机构的保护”。

Allen-Ebrahimian explained, “Why it matters: Young people are showing Congress it’s possible to denounce both China’s authoritarianism and anti-Chinese racism in America at the same time.”

艾伦-易卜拉欣解释说:“为什么重要:年轻人向国会表明,在美国同时谴责中共国的威权主义和反中共国的种族主义是可能的。”

That’s the critical moral element, as well as the winning political strategy: twinning opposition to communism with opposition to racism. If we want American policy to be effective in this race-conscious, media-intensive world, we have to be mindful of the need for both “oppositions.”

这是至关重要的道德因素,也是获胜的政治策略: 既反对共产主义,又反对种族主义。如果我们想让美国的政策在这个种族意识强烈、媒体密集的世界中发挥作用,我们就必须考虑到两种“对立”的必要性。

In other words, the letter is a political masterstroke, with credit going to to the Athenai Institute, which convened the signatories. The letter reads, in part:

换句话说,这封信是政治上的一着妙棋,其功劳要归于召集了签署国的雅典奈研究所(Athenai Institute)。这封信的部分内容如下:

In response to calls from within Chinese civil society, and in light of the continued struggles of Hong Kongers, Mongolians, Taiwanese, Tibetans, Uyghurs, and others, we are compelled to voice our concerns over the present state of academic freedom, and bring to light the continued exploitation of liberal, democratic academic institutions by authoritarians. We have prepared this appeal so you may understand the scope of this threat, the need to counter it, and the precise actions demanded by our circumstances.
为了回应中共国公民社会的呼唤,也由于香港人、蒙古人、台湾人、藏族、维吾尔族人的持续努力,我们被迫发出我们对学术自由的现状,揭露权威人士对自由、民主学术机构的持续剥削。我们准备进行这一呼吁,以便你们了解这一威胁的范围、反击的必要性以及我们的情况所要求的确切行动。

The language above is familiar to China hawks. But what’s not familiar is the fact that the letter is bipartisan. In America, bipartisanship is power, because more is stronger than less; as they say, effective politics is about addition, not subtraction.

上面的语言对中共国鹰派来说很熟悉。但人们不熟悉的是,这封信是两党合作的。在美国,两党合作就是力量,因为多比少更强大;正如他们所说,有效的政治是关于加法,而不是减法。

So those who wish to build a larger anti-communist coalition must look for ways to bring more people aboard. And to that constructive end, the letter continues, “We further seek to condemn, in the most unequivocal terms, all anti-Asian sentiment, violence, and hateful acts.”

因此,那些希望建立一个更大反共联盟的人,必须想办法让更多的人加入。为了达到这个建设性的目的,信中继续写道,“我们进一步寻求以最明确的措辞谴责所有反亚洲情绪、暴力和仇恨行为。”

Indeed, the letter emphasizes the same “splitting tactic” that we used in the past to separate Nazis from Germans and Communists from Russians:

事实上,这封信强调了我们过去用来区分纳粹分子、德国人、共产主义者和俄罗斯人的“分裂策略”:

It is imperative that we distinguish this totalitarian regime from the Chinese people, whom we must steadfastly defend from abhorrent acts of xenophobia, racism, and hatred. We must act to give voice to the long-oppressed, be they Chinese, Hong Konger, Mongolian, Taiwanese, Tibetan or Uyghur.
我们必须把这个极权主义政权与中国人民区分开来,我们必须坚定地保护中国人民免受仇外、种族主义和仇恨的可恶行径。我们必须行动起来,为长期受压迫的人发声,不管他们是中国人、香港人、蒙古人、台湾人、西藏人还是维吾尔人。

We can’t yet say who will prevail in Cold War II. But we know this much right now: If America is clean from the stain of racism, then we will have a better message to the world—and the contrast with the CCP, including its racism, will be all the starker.

For instance, we can seize on headlines such as this, from Foreign Policy magazine on April 15: “China’s Racism Is Wrecking Its Success in Africa.” As the article details, China’s condescending and hostile attitudes towards Africans, both in China and in Africa itself, are turning African opinion against it.

我们还不能说谁会在第二次冷战中获胜。但我们现在知道的是:如果美国从种族主义的污点中走出来,那么我们将向世界传递一个更好的信息——与中国共产党的对比,包括它的种族主义,将会更加鲜明。例如,我们可以看看4月15日《外交政策》(Foreign Policy)杂志的标题:“中国的种族主义正在破坏它在非洲的成功。”正如这篇文章所详细描述的,中共国对非洲人的傲慢和敌意态度,无论是在中共国还是在非洲本身,都让非洲舆论对中共国持反对态度。

And we can jump on this headline, too, atop an opinion piece in the May 14 Washington Post: “The world is waking up to the character of the Chinese Communist Party.” In the words of writer Josh Rogin, international businesses made a “Faustian bargain” with China, which now is “costing them dearly”—and is costing the world even more.

And this, too, from The Washington Post on May 21: “China to impose sweeping national security law in Hong Kong, bypassing city’s legislature.” In other words, the CCP is now snuffing out freedom in Hong Kong—an action every freedom-lover must deplore. As conservative columnist Henry Olsen argued, “The United States should stand up for its democratic values and stand with Hong Kong’s citizens”–and at the same time, the U.S. should revoke Hong Kong’s special trading status now that it’s been swallowed up by the Red Dragon.

我们也可以看看5月14日《华盛顿邮报》的一篇评论文章的标题:“世界正在意识到中国共产党的品格。”用作家乔希•罗金的话说,国际企业与中共国达成了一项“浮士德式的交易”,而中共国现在“让它们付出了高昂的代价”——而且让世界付出了更大的代价。

这也是5月21日《华盛顿邮报》的一篇文章:“中共国绕过香港立法机构,在香港实施了全面的国家安全法。”换句话说,中国共产党现在正在香港扼杀自由——这是每个热爱自由的人都必须谴责的行为。正如保守派专栏作家亨利·奥尔森所言,“美国应该捍卫自己的民主价值观,与香港市民站在一起”——与此同时,美国应该取消香港的特殊贸易地位,因为香港已经被红龙吞并了。

These media items bespeak soft power in action. That is, the world is coming to see China’s communist regime for what it is–and that helps the U.S. make its pro-freedom case to other countries. To put this another way, the Pascalian queen of the world, public opinion, is smiling on our freedom, which seeks to improve itself and uphold liberty—and frowning on the CCP’s totalitarianism, which seeks to both hide its mistakes and extend its clampdown. (Although even the CCP can’t hide everything; on May 16 it was forced to admit that, in early January, it had destroyed samples of the virus from “unauthorized labs,” thus confirming an accusation made by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo; so now, what else remains to be admitted?)

这些媒体项目表明软实力正在发挥作用。也就是说,世界正逐渐看清中国共产主义政权的真面目——这有助于美国向其他国家表明其支持自由的立场。换句话说,社会舆论界的帕斯卡莉安女王对我们的自由微笑,因为我们的自由寻求改善自身和维护自由;对中共的极权主义皱眉,因为它寻求掩盖错误和扩大镇压。(尽管即使是中国共产党也不能隐瞒一切;5月16日,它被迫承认,在1月初,它从“未经授权的实验室”销毁了病毒样本,从而证实了国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥的指控;那么现在,还有什么需要承认的呢?)

To be sure, even as we gain in soft power, we can never ease up on our hard power–that is, military might–because the CCP certainly won’t ease up on theirs.

可以肯定的是,即使我们获得了软实力,我们也不能放松我们的硬实力,也就是军事力量,因为中国共产党肯定不会放松他们的硬实力。

And yet if we also think about our moral standing in the world—keeping our honor clean, as the Marines would put it—we can draw a sharp contrast between the cruel idea of communism and the kind idea of liberty. Do the vast majority of the Chinese people want to live under a regime that squelches freedom, even as it produces infernal bioweapons? Of course not. So our challenge is to prove, by word and deed, that freedom and peace are better choices.

然而,如果我们也思考一下我们在世界上的道德地位——保持我们的荣誉清白,就像海军陆战队会说的那样——我们可以在共产主义的残酷思想和自由的善良思想之间形成鲜明的对比。难道绝大多数中共国人都想生活在一个压制自由的政权下,即使这个政权制造了可怕的生化武器?当然不是。因此,我们面临的挑战是通过语言和行动证明,自由与和平是更好的选择。

As we learned in both World War II and Cold War I, the pen that draws that moral contrast—or writes a good-hearted Frank Sinatra song—is as important as the sword.

正如我们在第二次世界大战和第一次冷战中学到的那样,书写这种道德对比的笔——或者写一首善良的弗兰克·西纳特拉的歌——和剑一样重要。

编辑 【喜马拉雅战鹰团】