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Newt Gingrich’s Essential Primer On The Challenges Of Communist China 紐特·金里奇新書簡介-中共國的挑戰

来源:The Federalist, 2019年12月6日

The former speaker of the House's latest book, 'Trump Vs. China,' is an indispensable guide for understanding our greatest foreign policy challenge.

衆議院前議長紐特·金里奇的新書《川普與中共國》對於理解我們對外政策中的最大挑戰是不可或缺的指南。

While the media frequently reduces U.S.-China relations under the Trump administration to a so-called “trade war,” the U.S. federal government has, after decades of willful blindness and neglect, embarked on a multifaceted mission to reorient the relationship towards America’s national interest.

當媒體經常將川普政府領導下的中美關係簡化共為“貿易戰” 時,在故意視而不見幾十年后,美國政府終於開始在多方面著手重新定位中美關係,使其符合美國國家利益。

This underappreciated, revolutionary effort was borne of an almost intuitive understanding by President Trump, increasingly accepted across the national security and foreign policy establishment, that China itself is engaged in a multifaceted—and malign—struggle to achieve global superpower status, at the cost of our people, and ultimately our freedom.

這個幾乎是來自川普總統直覺上的理解, 卻未被充分重視的革命性的舉措,在國家安全與對外政策的制定中越來越被接受,也就是關於中共國正在以犧牲我們人民和我們的自由為代價,在多層面以邪惡的手段達到其稱霸全球的目的上達成共識。

Seemingly with each passing week, a new story emerges illustrating the magnitude of China’s ambitions, and the litany of issues such ambitions present for the free world. Recently, many recoiled at the ghastly revelations of the Uighur concentration camps of Xinjiang, which, on top of the chaotic and bloody scenes from the streets of Hong Kong, have underscored the totalitarian nature of a Communist regime that the rest of the world has effectively been underwriting. If this is how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) treats its own citizens, and those in its orbit, how will it treat the rest of us should it achieve global dominance?

似乎每過一周,就有一個關於中共國野心的新聞出來,還有這樣的野心給自由世界帶來的一系列問題。最近,許多人在新疆維族集中營事件的揭露上退縮了,以及在香港街頭的混亂而血腥場面上,更凸顯了共產主義政權的極權主義性質,正在被世界上其他國家所背書。如果中共國共產黨這樣對待自己的公民,當它真的稱霸全球時,它會如何對待我們呢?

China’s Illicit Efforts - 中共國的非法行爲

With respect to China’s efforts abroad, consider just a few recent stories in the areas of espionage and foreign influence:

對於中共國在國外的行為,看一下最近的一些間諜活動和國外影響的新聞:

A purported Chinese spy defected to Australia, revealing to authorities remarkable details regarding alleged political and societal influence operations, evincing widespread infiltration of civil society institutions in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Australia. Whether the specific allegations are proven, it is undeniable that China has sought to influence nearby foreign countries, and beyond. (With respect to China’s efforts in Australia in particular, which implicate the entire Anglosphere, see Clive Hamilton’s Silent Invasion).

一位聲稱是中共國間諜的人叛逃到澳大利亞,向澳洲政府揭露了關於所謂政治和社會影響力行動的重要細節,和對香港、台灣、澳洲的民間社會機構的廣泛滲透。不管這些具體指控是否被證實,不可否認,中共國已經試圖影響附近國家。(特別是中共國對澳大利亚的滲透,已經波及到了整個英語地區,參考Clive Hamilton的書:沈默入侵)

澳大利亞作家Clive Hamilton和他的書 《沈默入侵》 Clive Hamilton’s Silent Invasion

Northwestern University faced a major backlash from Chinese nationalists over student support for Taiwan, and Columbia University cancelled a panel discussion on “Panopticism with Chinese Characteristics: The Human Rights Violations by the Chinese Communist Party and how they affect the world,” according to organizers “because a Chinese student group threatened to stage a protest outside the venue on campus.”

因為學生支持台灣,西北大學面臨來自中共民族主義者的強烈抵制。哥倫比亞大學取消了關於“中共國特色的全景敞視主義:中共對人權的侵犯以及如何影響世界”的專家討論會。組織者稱:是因為一組中共國學生威脅要在校園會場外抗議。

The U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations released a report demonstrating that “American taxpayer funded research [of upwards of $150 billion per year in the sciences] has contributed to China’s global rise over the last 20 years…[with] China openly recruit[ing] U.S.-based researchers, scientists, and experts in the public and private sector to provide China with knowledge and intellectual capital in exchange for monetary gain and other benefits…undermin[ing] the integrity of the American research enterprise and endanger[ing] our national security.”

美國參議員常駐的調查小組發布了一份報告表明:“在過去的20年中,美國納稅人資助的研究(每年超過1,500億美觀)是為中共國的全球崛起做了貢獻……中共國公開的向公營或私營機構招募美國本土的研究人員、科學家和專家,這些人向中共國提供了知識和智慧資本以換取金錢或其他利益……這損害了研究企業的聲譽和國家安全” 。

This dovetailed with a New York Times report indicated rampant theft by Chinese actors of biomedical secrets from U.S. academic centers.

這與紐約時報的報導相關聯,清楚地指出這些中共國猖狂盜賊是從美國學術中心生物醫學界來的。

The Department of Justice (DOJ) indicted a Chinese national who worked as an imaging scientist at Monsanto on charges of economic espionage recruited under one of China’s programs highlighted in the report.

司法部(DOJ)起訴了一名在孟山都(Monsanto)擔任影像科學家的中共國公民,在報告中 明白指控,他被由中共國的計劃之一招募了並從事經濟間諜活動。

Jerry Chun Shing Lee, a former undercover Central Intelligence Agency officer in China and other parts of Asia, was sentenced to 19 years in prison for “conspiring to communicate, deliver and transmit national defense information to the People’s Republic of China.” Lee joined several other American intelligence officials who had been convicted on Chinese espionage-related charges in the last year-plus. China liquidated America’s spy network on its mainland between 2010-2012, potentially due to the efforts of a mole in U.S. intelligence.

李振成(Jerry Chun Shing Lee),曾活動於中共國和亞洲其他地區的中央情報局前臥底,因秘密交換,交付和傳遞國防機密給中共國而被判入獄19年。過去的一年多裡,李和其他幾名美國官員因為與中共國間諜活動有關被指控並判有罪。在2010和2012年之間,中共國在中共國 肅清美國間諜網,很大可能是因為美國情報部門的內奸。

These data points alone highlight China’s illicit efforts to influence foreign governments and neutralize dissent abroad, achieve substantial gains in business, science, and technology and advance their national security interests while threatening those of their competitors, namely the United States.

僅這些數據就凸顯了中共國在影響外國政府,消除海外不同政見方面的非法勾當,並且在商業、科學、技術方面獲得豐厚收益,在提升他們的國家安全利益的同時,威脅競爭對手,也就是美國。

Grand Strategy - 大戰略

The scope of these efforts tied to merely one element of China’s arsenal speaks to something sorely missing from the public discourse: A realization of the overall scope of China’s ambitions—and the myriad ways it is pursuing them—and the fact that the ultimate ambition is hegemony. Absent a widespread understanding of these issues in the American public, there will never be the popular groundswell needed for the relentless, comprehensive effort needed to counter the threat of a China itself engaged in such all-encompassing effort.

這些努力的範圍僅與中國軍火庫中的一個要素有關,這說明了公眾話語中非常缺少的一些東西:認識到中國野心勃勃的總體範圍 - 及其追求的各種方式 - 以及最終雄心勃勃的事實,即霸權。如果沒有美國公眾對這些問題的廣泛理解,就永遠不會有所需的民眾,需要作出無情的、全面的努力來對付中國本身從事這種包羅萬象的努力的威脅。

Or, as former Speaker Newt Gingrich puts it in Trump vs. China: Facing America’s Greatest Threat, his recently released book:

或者,正如前議長紐特·金里奇在他的新書《川普與中共國:直面美國的最大威脅》中所說的:

We have not had the national debate we need to build a sustainable, long-term, military-diplomatic-economic-political strategy. Matching China’s military developments will require a sense of urgency and a commitment of willpower and resources that cannot occur until the American people the news media, and our representatives in the Congress have had a thorough national debate about the nature, scale, and frightening implications of China’s buildup.

我們還沒有進行關於我們需要建立可持續的、長期的、軍事-外交-經濟-政治戰略的全國性辯論。要與中共國的軍事發展匹敵,需要有緊迫感、有意志力、承諾投入資源。但是在全國人民,媒體和國會議員就關於其性質、規模和可怕影響能進行徹底的全國性討論之前,這些要求與承諾是達不到的。

Trump vs. China should serve as a major contribution to any such debate. In fact, it is a prerequisite for it – a comprehensive but accessible primer on the major areas of competition between the United States and China, a roadmap for how to win and what the stakes are for the liberty and security of every American should we fail.

《川普與中共國》應該可以為此辯論做出巨大貢獻。事實上,這是它的一個先決條件——一個全面而容易理解的美國和中國之間主要競爭領域的入門書,一個如何取勝的路線圖,以及如果我們失敗,對每個美國人的自由和安全有什麼利害關係。

Gingrich’s book covers China’s pursuit of its grand strategy in every domain: Land, sea, air, space, and information. While China frequently casts efforts such as its Belt and Road Initiative as driven by the interests of its civilians, as Gingrich makes clear the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) strategy is dedicated to furthering the party’s power and privilege, and ensuring its survival above all else.

金里奇的新書涵蓋了中共國在陸地、海洋、空中、太空、信息各領域宏大戰略的目標。儘管中共國經常推行看上去是為國民利益驅動下的一帶一路,但是,就像金里奇明確表示的,中共的戰略是致力於增強中共黨的權力與特權,並確保其政權延續優與一切的。

Gingrich provides needed historical and cultural context that gives insight into the CCP’s thinking. He contrasts its strategies with the United States’ by comparing the Chinese board game “Go” versus the Western board game of chess.

金里奇提供了歷史文化背景,可以深入了解中共的思想。他通過比較中共國的圍棋和國際象棋,把中美策略進行了對比。

One takeaway from the book is that the prudent way of evaluating the Communist regime’s efforts is to assume that they are “dual-use” – that is, while they may have a civilian component, they also have a political/military function, contributing to the party’s strategy for dominance. Economic growth, for example, then should not be thought of as an end in itself for the benefit of the Chinese people, but a means for the CCP to achieve its priorities. That Americans broadly may not yet see things this way illustrates the importance of Gingrich’s book.

本書的一個關鍵是關於評估共產主義政權的審慎的方法,也就是假定中共戰略是“雙重用途”,也就是說,他們可能會考慮到民眾的利益,同時具有政治/軍事作用,從而有助於中共的統治。比如,經濟增長,不應該只認為是為中共國人民造福,而且也是中共達到自己目的的手段。也許大部分美國人不這樣看待這個問題,這說明了金里奇這本書的重要性。

In the way of immediate threats, one of Gingrich’s most trenchant arguments concerns the ramifications if China is able to control the all-important fifth-generation (5G) technology on which the Internet of Things and all communications will run. Beyond the danger of Huawei’s dominance in this area, and America’s as yet unsuccessful effort to dissuade several critical allies from contracting with Huawei to build their 5G networks, Gingrich highlights the ways in which complacent actors in the federal government and private sector have hamstrung our ability to compete in telecommunications.

對於眼前的威脅,金里奇書中最尖銳的論據之一就是關於中共國能否控制重要的5G技術用於物聯網和通訊領域所帶來的一系列嚴重後果。除了華為技術領先在這方面帶來的危險,美國還沒有成功阻止其重要盟友與華為合作建設5G網絡。金里奇強調指出,在聯邦政府和私營部門的志得意滿的人削弱了我們在電信領域的競爭力。

Equally troubling are the national security challenges Huawei poses. Beyond the potential for the Chinese Communist Party to surveil those communicating via its infrastructure and hardware the world over, as Gingrich notes, “Huawei and China are astoundingly quick to offer surveillance systems in countries where a major strategic American military presence exists. How can we protect our troops and our interests if they have to operate within Chinese surveillance technology built on Chinese-power networks?” Gingrich provides recommendations for how to compete in telecommunications while ensuring security.

同樣讓人擔憂的是華為給國家安全帶來的挑戰。除了中共有可能監控所有通過其部署在全世界通訊設施和硬件的人外,像金里奇說的, “華為和中共國正在以驚人的速度在美國主要的軍事戰略國提供監控系統。如果我們的軍隊必須要在以中共國電網上的監視技術範圍內行動,我們如何保護我們的軍隊和我們的利益?”金里奇的書提供了如何在確保安全的同時如何參與電信行業競爭的建議。

Bureaucratic Obstacles - 官僚障礙

Another important argument concerns the battle over freedom of navigation in the seas, whereby trillions of dollars in commerce flow. Gingrich warns regarding China’s efforts to claim de facto control over the South China Sea, in which it has built and militarized islands, that America’s unwillingness to develop and implement a robust response beyond increased freedom of navigation operations will leave us with “a Chinese fait accompli.”

另一個重要的論點涉及了海上航行自由之戰,這𥚃牽涉數萬億美元的商業流動。中共國已經在南中共國海中建造和軍事化了一些島嶼。金里奇對中共國為了對南中共國海實現事實上的控制做出的努力提出了警告:如果美國對此舉動的回應僅僅是針對航行自由度的提高,而不願更進一步的發展和實施強有力的應對措施,那麼我們將承認“南海是屬於中共國的既成事實” 。

中國南海軍事工程 - 圖片源自紐約時報中文網

Gingrich, long an advocate of U.S. efforts in space, makes a compelling case that it may well be the most important domain of competition against China’s strategy of civil-military fusion. To give one example of its importance, as a recent Scientific American article noted, America’s GPS system, which plays an integral role in every one of the 16 infrastructure sectors the Department of Homeland Security has designated as “critical,” is highly vulnerable to attack, the consequences of which would be catastrophic.

作為美國太空計畫的長期倡導者,金里奇提出了令人信服的理由來證明,這(南中共國海)很可能是與中共國的軍民融合戰略競爭最重要的領域。金里奇用最近刊登在《科學美國人》的一篇文章為例來證明它的重要性。美國的GPS系統雖然在16個基礎設施領域中的每一個部分都扮演著不可或缺的角色,而且是被美國國土安全部指定為“極度關鍵”的,這個系統卻極易受到攻擊。一旦受到攻擊,其後果將是一個大災難。

Meanwhile, “U.S. rivals do not face this vulnerability. China, Russia and Iran have terrestrial backup systems that GPS users can switch to and that are much more difficult to override than the satellite-based GPS system.” China’s anti-satellite capabilities alone should give us major pause, and the Trump administration’s Space Force plans more praise.

同時,“美國的競爭對手卻不會有這個問題。中共國,俄羅斯和伊朗有地面備份系統,GPS用戶可以切換到該系統而且相較那些與基於衛星的GPS系統,該系統更難被攻擊。” 僅僅就中共國的反衛星能力一項,我們就該停下腳步好好反省反省,並更加支持川普政府的太空部隊計畫。

Another (unfortunately) recurring theme Gingrich has harped on throughout his career—particularly poignant in context of the U.S.-China competition—concerns the stifling nature of our bureaucracy. As Gingrich writes in Trump vs. China, “if we can build a consensus about dealing with the Chinese communist totalitarian dictatorship, we will discover that we have more internal challenges than any mobilization effort since the Revolutionary War.”

在金里奇整個職業生涯中他一直關注的另一個(非常不幸的)重複出現的主題 - 在中美競爭的背景下尤其令人感到憂心的 -那就是我們僵化的官僚體系。 正如他在《川普與中共國的對決》一書中寫到:“如果我們能就如何應對中共獨裁政權達成共識,我們將發現我們所面臨的內部挑戰,比自獨立戰爭以來任何一次動員行動都還大。”

This is no understatement. Gingrich adds:

這一點也不誇張。金里奇補充道:

Our current problem is the exact opposite of the Founding Fathers’ mobilization problem. We have the largest entrenched bureaucratic structure in American history. The massiveness of our rules and regulations, the growth of lawyers as the dominant definer of acceptable government behavior, and the defense of entrenched public and private interests, all will be vastly more difficult to navigate and coordinate with than in 1860, 1939, or 1946. Our own systems, habits, interest groups, and bureaucracies may be a bigger problem than the threat from China’s communist system.

我們當前的問題與我們開國元勳們的動員行動時的問題完全相反。我們現在有的是美國歷史上最大的,最僵化的官僚構架。 與1860、1939或1946年相比,無論是在我們規章制度的規模上,律師成為政府合理行為主要定義者的依賴程度上,和對僵化的公共以及私人利益的捍衛上,現在的狀況更難駕馭和協調。我們自己的體系、習慣、 利益集團和官僚機構可能比來自中共的威脅還更大。

Gingrich adds that even to the extent we engage China in the manner he recommends: “There is a grave danger that all of our vast expenditures and massive professional bureaucracies will find it easier to engage in war posturing, while retaining the habits, doctrines, and organizational structures that make them comfortable and that they are used to living with.”

即便我們按照他所建議的方式和中共接觸,金里奇補充說:“ 還是存在巨大的危險的。因為我們現有的巨額支出和龐大的專職官僚機構會選擇比較輕鬆的方式--一邊擺出作戰的姿態,同時卻又保持他們已經習以為常了的習慣,信條和組織結構。

Fixing Our Own Problems - 解決我們自己的問題

On top of the sclerotic nature of an entrenched administrative state, and the recalcitrance of much of a private sector with a vested interest in maintaining the China status quo, as the always insightful David Goldman highlighted in a recent article at First Things:

除了極度僵化的行政國家特有的頑固性質以及大量在中共國既得利益的私營企業希望保持對中共國的現狀,一直極富遠見的戴维·高德曼在最近發表在《第一件事》中的一篇文章中強調:

There is only one effective way to come to terms with China’s rising economic power and global assertiveness, and that is to strengthen the United States. I have long argued for a return to Reagan-style investments in basic R&D driven by frontier defense technologies in order to counter China’s drive for technological leadership. As former House Speaker Newt Gringrich (sic) argues in his new book Trump vs. China, ‘It is not China’s fault that in 2017, 89% of Baltimore eighth graders couldn’t pass their math exam. . . . It is not China’s fault that too few Americans in K-12 and in college study math and science to fill the graduate schools with future American scientists. . . . It is not China’s fault the way our defense bureaucracy functions serves to create exactly the ‘military-industrial complex’ that President Dwight Eisenhower warned about.’

應對中共國不斷增長的經濟實力和全球自信的唯一有效方法就是增強美國本身實力。我長期以來一直主張沿用以國防技術為基礎,重返里根式的基礎研發投資,以抵制中共國推動技術領先的動力。正如前議院議長金里奇在他的新書《川普與中共國》中所說:“這不是中共國的錯,在2017年,我們巴爾的摩的八年級學生有89%不能通過數學考試。同樣這也不是中共國的錯,我們在K-12和大學學習數學和科學的美國人太少,以至於研究生學院不能培養足夠的未來美國科學家。這不是中共國的錯,現在我們的國防官僚機構所創造出的恰恰是艾森豪威爾警告過的“軍工聯合體”。

Gingrich warns, “There is every reason to believe that China is catching up rapidly and may outpace us. This is because of us not because of them.”

金里奇警告說:“ (我們)有足夠充分的理由相信中共國正在迅速追趕并可能超越我們。而錯在我們,不在他們(中共國)。

Gingrich raises many other issues worthy of exploration, including the relatively less advantageous position America is in versus today’s China than the Soviet Union at the onset of the Cold War—including our inextricably intertwined economics, Chinese influence in U.S. society, and the bloat of our federal government—and the challenge posed by facing an authoritarian, centralized regime with our free system based in separated powers and federalism (not to mention frequent elections). Political pressures, and the nature of our governmental system, arguably make coordination, mobilization, and consistency in effort more difficult.

金里奇還提出了許多其他很值得探討的問題,包括現在美國在與中共國對抗中所處的地位要比在冷戰開始時,美國與前蘇聯的對抗中所處的地位要不利很多 - 其中的原因有:中美交織在一起的經濟;中共在美國社會中的影響力;我們日益膨脹的聯邦政府;以及我們用聯邦制為基礎的自由體系去對抗一個專制極權的政權所帶來的挑戰(更不須提頻繁選舉所帶來的影響)。政治壓力和我們政府系統的本質可以說使得維持協調,動員和努力的一致性更加困難。

Throughout Trump vs. China, Gingrich leads his chapters with quotes from President Trump and CCP General Secretary Xi contrasting our nation’s respective visions, values, and principles. This is a helpful reminder that we must know ourselves and our adversaries if we are to protect and preserve our liberty. Gingrich’s book is required reading for all who take Sun Tzu seriously—which should be every American.

Trump Vs. Xi Jinping

在《川普與中共國》全書中,金里奇在他的每一個章節前面引用川普總統和中共總書記習近平的名言,以此來對比兩國的看法、價值觀和原則。這是一個非常有助益的提醒。如果我們想要維護我們的自由,我們必須了解我們自己以及我們的對手。金里奇的書對於任何一個相信“孫子兵法”的人(事實上每個美國人都應該重視“孫子兵法”)都是必讀本。

Indeed, it is essential reading for anyone who seeks to see the full mosaic of challenges and threats that will define and shape U.S. national security and foreign policy, and frankly, the survival of America as a free, powerful and sovereign country, for generations to come.

是的,對於任何希望全面了解我們國家安全和外交政策所面臨的挑戰和威脅的人,本書確實是不可少的讀物。坦白說,凡是關心美國將來是否能夠持續以一個自由的,強大的主權國家存活下來的人都應該讀這本書。

原文鏈接:https://thefederalist.com/2019/12/06/newt-gingrichs-essential-primer-on-the-challenges-of-communist-china/