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枫桥经验:中共重提毛主义的恐怖战略 【中英对照翻译】

新闻来源:BITTER WINTER《寒冬》;作者:MASSIMO INTROVIGNE;发布时间:August 15, 2020 / 2020年8月15日

翻译/简评:小小妹;校对:Julia Win;审核:海阔天空 ;Page:拱卒

简评:

刚看到这篇文章标题和前言的时候,真的不明白“枫桥经验”所谓何物,只叹自己书读得少,不理解其中的奥秘。在参阅了一些史料之后才恍然大悟,这原来是中国共产党专用的华丽词藻——外表光鲜亮丽,实则剧毒无比。打着为人民服务的旗号,残害人民,但愚民还是愿意追随着党,是多么的可悲啊!可叹中共执政70年之久!

那什么是“枫桥经验”呢?它又意味着什么?

资料记载,“枫桥经验” 是1963年社会主义教育运动开展初期,在浙江省宁波专区诸暨县枫桥区产生的依靠群众(而非政府)就地监督改造四类分子的经验。当时,虽然中共决定对四类分子采取“一个不杀,大部不捉”的方针,但许多地方在具体推行中,依然采用定指标、“关一批”、“判一批”、“杀一批”的做法。其主要特点是由原先通过司法程序来惩治阶级斗争的对象,转为实行群众专政。舆论普遍认为,这就是发动群众斗群众。它反映了共产主义极权制度最基本的一个特点,那就是对一个人,从他的行为,到他的言论,以至于思想,进行全面控制。这为后来的文化大革命奠定了基础。

现在中共重提“枫桥经验”,这预示着离文革也就不远了。他们为什么要这样做呢?显而易见,中共国大势已去,进入全面倒退的阶段。资金链的断裂、粮食供应不上、病毒的危机,以及世界各国在经济等方面的制裁、围堵,中共内外交困,因此他们为了防止社会的大动荡,所以把量身定做的“枫桥经验”再次搬出来,以群众制约群众,以群众干死群众。这就是中国人民不得不面对的黎明前的黑暗!

原文翻译:

Fengqiao Experience: The CCP Revives a Maoist Terror Strategy

枫桥经验:中共重提毛主义的恐怖战略

On August 12, the People’s Daily called for a nation-wide revival of one of the most dreaded practices of Chairman Mao’s years, accompanied by more propaganda.

8月12日,《人民日报》号召在全国范围内恢复毛主席当年所采取的最可怕的措施之一,同时加大宣传力度。

The Fengqiao Experience Exhibition Hall, Fengqiao, Zhejiang (from Twitter) 浙江省枫桥市枫桥体验馆(来自推特)

The People’s Daily, the organ of the CCP’s Central Committee, is publishing an important series of articles on the safety and stability of China’s political system. On August 12, it published the 10th article of the series, reviving an old ghost haunting the Chinese who lived through Chairman Mao’s years and the Cultural Revolution: the Fengqiao Experience.

中共中央机关报《人民日报》(People 's Daily)刊登了一系列有关中共政治制度安全与稳定的重要文章。 该报于8月12日发表了该系列中的第十篇文章,此文再现了一个萦绕在经历过毛主席时代和文化大革命时期的中国人心中挥之不去的幽灵:枫桥经验。

The article explained that it is unrealistic to believe that contradictions have disappeared in Chinese society. They do exist, and the method to solve them is the Fengqiao Experience. The article plays on the literal meaning of Fengqiao, “Maple Bridge,” to argue that “Fengqiao is a bridge connecting the hearts of the Party and the people.” And more than a bridge: “a monument to grass-roots governance in the New China,” “a golden brand,” “a winning formula.”

文章解释说,认为矛盾在中国社会已经消失了那是不现实的。 它们确实存在着,而解决这些矛盾的方法就是“枫桥经验”。 本文以枫桥“枫木桥”的字面意思为依据,论证了“枫桥是连接党和人民心灵的桥梁。” 而不仅仅是一座桥:“是新中国基层治理的一座丰碑”,“一个金字招牌”,“一个制胜法宝”。

But what is the Fengqiao Experience, and why are the Chinese scared of it? Fengqiao here does not refer to a bridge but to the name of what was in the 1960s a district in Zhuji county, Zhejiang province, and is today a township in the county-level city of Zhuji. In 1963, in what several historians see as the prelude to the Cultural Revolution, Chairman Mao launched the Four Cleanups Movement (四清运动), whose aim was to cleanse politics, economy, organization, and ideology, by identifying and purging “reactionary elements” (四类分子). Four categories of the latter were identified by Mao: landlords, wealthy peasants, “counterrevolutionaries” and “evildoers.” The last two categories included all those who were critical of the CCP or engaged in illegal religious activities.

但“枫桥经验”是什么,为什么中国人对此感到恐惧? 这里的枫桥不是指一座桥,而是1960年代浙江省诸暨县的一个区的名称,如今是县级市诸暨的一个乡镇。 1963年,在一些历史学家眼中那是文化大革命的前奏,毛主席发起了“四清运动”,其目的是通过识别和清除“反动分子(四类分子)来净化政治,经济、组织和意识形态 ”。 毛泽东将后者分为四类:地主、富农、“反革命分子”和“坏分子”。 最后两类包括所有批评中共或从事非法宗教活动的人。

What happened in Fengqiao was that the “reactionary elements” were dealt with not (more exactly, not only) by the police, but by the “masses themselves,” meaning that activists “rounded up” the enemies and submitted them to public “struggle sessions” in which they were insulted, threatened, and terrorized until they admitted their “crimes.” 3,000 out of 130,000 people in Fengqiao were identified as “reactionary elements” and publicly humiliated. This was a sinister anticipation of what was later generalized in the Cultural Revolution.

在枫桥发生的事情是,对付“四类分子”不是(更确切地说,不仅是)由警察处理的,而是由“群众自己”处理的,这意味着积极分子“围捕”了所谓的敌人,并将这些敌人交给公众开“批斗会”, 期间遭受到侮辱、威胁和恐吓,直到他们承认自己的“罪行”。 在枫桥镇的13万人中,有3,000人被认定为“四类分子”,并遭到公开羞辱。 这是对后来在文化大革命中造成的灾难所埋下的伏笔。

Although occasionally mentioned, the Fengqiao Experience, which evoked the nightmares of the Cultural Revolution, was downplayed and almost forgotten until 2013, when Xi Jinping celebrated its 50th anniversary and suggested that its “good example” should be followed again. In 2015, an exhibition hall commemorating the Fengqiao Experience was built in Fengqiao. Xi’s were by no means just celebratory words. Bitter Winter reported repeatedly how Fengqiao-style methods were used in organizing public “struggle sessions” against Christians from house churches, and in inciting “the masses” to spy and report on members of religious movements the CCP regards as illegal, including The Church of Almighty God. Now, the People’s Daily article signals that the system will be implemented nationwide.

尽管偶尔会被提到,但引起文化大革命噩梦的“枫桥经验”一直被淡化,几乎被人们遗忘,直到2013年习近平在庆祝“枫桥经验”50周年时,提出要再次效仿“枫桥经验”,以此为“好榜样”。 2015年,在枫桥建成了纪念“枫桥经验”的展览馆。 习近平的这番话绝不是单纯的庆祝。 《寒冬》杂志曾多次报道了枫桥式的方法是如何被用于组织群众针对基督徒的公开“批斗会”,以及如何煽动“群众”暗中监视和报告被中共视为非法的宗教运动成员,包括 “全能神教会”(The Church of Almighty God)。 现在,《人民日报》(People’s Daily)的这篇文章发出信号,这一制度将在全国范围内实施。

It is also important to note that the revival of the Fengqiao Experience is accompanied by a renewed control of the media and a massive effort with propaganda abroad. The eighth article in the People’s Daily series, published on August 8, insisted that, “it is a basic principle of the Marxist concept of news that the Party should control propaganda and the media.” “China is a socialist country under the leadership of the CCP, and no matter how the times develop, and how the media landscape changes, the iron principle of Party control must never change. If the tools of public opinion are not in the hands of the Party and the people, they will not be guided by the will and interests of the Party and the people, and unimaginable harm and misfortune will follow.” ‘The media sponsored by our Party and government must have Party as their last name, remain tightly in the hands of the Party, and become the mouthpiece of the Party and the people. All Party media should adhere to the unity of the Party and the people, fully reflect the Party’s will and ideas, and spread the Party’s voice farther and deeper.”

值得注意的是,“枫桥经验”的复兴的同时,也伴随着对媒体的重新控制,以及在对外宣传上大做文章。 《人民日报》(People’s Daily)8月8日刊发的系列文章的第八篇强调:“党管宣传、党管媒体,这是马克思主义新闻观的基本原则。” “中国是中国共产党领导的社会主义国家,无论时代如何发展,媒体格局如何变化,党管媒体的铁的原则决不能改变。如果舆论工具不掌握在党和人民手中,就不会以党和人民意志和利益为导向,随之而来就会出现难以想象的危害和不幸。由我们党和政府赞助的媒体必须姓党,牢牢地掌握在党手中,并成为党和人民的喉舌。党的所有媒体都应当坚持党和人民的统一,充分体现党的意志和思想,把党的声音传播得更远、更深。”

As far as possible, the article explained, this controls should be extended abroad, conquering the “commanding heights of public opinion” and “overcoming the enemy” with a massive propaganda. Interestingly, a few days before, the Chinese government revealed that the spokespersons of the foreign ministries of China and Russia had held consultations on how to cooperate in joint international propaganda efforts.

文章解释说,这种控制应尽可能延伸到国外,以大规模的宣传征服“舆论的制高点”,“战胜敌人”。 有趣的是,几天前,中共政府透露,中俄两国外交部发言人就如何合作开展国际联合宣传活动进行了磋商。

编辑:【喜马拉雅战鹰团】Edited by:【Himalaya Hawk Squad】