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瓷器店里的公牛: 北京是如何培养华尔街巨头的 【中英对照翻译】

作者: By Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg 克莱夫·汉密尔顿和玛丽·奥尔伯格

消息来源:Sydney Morning Herald 《悉尼先驱晨报》

插图: Richard Giliberto

翻译/简评: freedust

校对:孙行者

简评:

本文展示了跨国金融机构在没有国家足够有力的法律监督情况下,与中共这个无论在财富和权力方面都失去法律约束的黑帮组织赤裸裸的勾兑图景。

从华尔街到金融城,无论这些资本大鳄在寻求权力寻租还是资源垄断,他们的所有决定都是在一个清醒和理智的情况下做出的。中共,用它在中华这片大地上没有边际的权力和其没有任何信仰道德的无止境的贪婪,为这个权力与金钱的勾兑制造了最大的温床,滋养了无数的无能、腐败和堕落。这个巨大的骗局中,所有人都是清醒的被骗者,他们只是不在意自己曾经骗过多少人,也不在意多少人骗过自己,对他们来说,最重要的是,这个谎言能为自己换来多少利益,谁会为这个谎言买单。然后,我们现在得到了一个结论是,是的,我们每个人,都要为这个谎言来买单。

现实地说,我们没法在这个人类社会上求得百分百的诚实和真实,或者,至少短期内不会。然而,无论基于法律的约束、责任的要求还是内心良知的启示,我们在多大程度上能够对自己真实,对自己周围的人真实,对自己做的事诚实,从目前来看,已经不是影响一个人的人生轨迹的课题,而是影响我们族群未来的一个绕不开的命题。我不想上纲上档的把这些联系到一些耳熟能详的口号上,而让读到的每个人只在脑海里闪过一刹那,我想说,求真和求实,从点滴开始,从内心开始,应该是我们重新拾取和认真践行的事情了。

Bulls in a China shop: How Beijing cultivated Wall Street's giants

瓷器店里的公牛: 北京是如何培养华尔街巨头的

In this extract from their new book, Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg chart the Chinese Communist Party's wooing of the giants of finance in Wall Street and Europe.

克莱夫·汉密尔顿(Clive Hamilton)和马里克·奥尔伯格(Mareike Ohlberg)在他们的新书摘录中,绘制了中国共产党对华尔街和欧洲金融巨人的追捧。

In November 2018 Peter Navarro, the White House trade adviser who at the time was intimately involved in President Trump’s trade war with Beijing, launched a scathing attack on what he called the "globalist billionaires" of Wall Street.

2018年11月,白宫贸易顾问彼得·纳瓦罗(Peter Navarro),当时曾密切参与特朗普总统与北京贸易战的人,对他称之为华尔街的“全球亿万富翁”进行了严厉抨击。

He accused the "self-appointed group of Wall Street bankers and hedge fund managers" of engaging in their own "shuttle diplomacy" with the Chinese side and attempting to sabotage US trade negotiations by putting enormous pressure on the White House to give way to Beijing. Navarro further accused the financial elite of being "unregistered foreign agents" acting as part of Beijing’s influence operations in Washington.

他指责“自诩为华尔街银行家和对冲基金经理的团体”与中方进行“穿梭外交”,试图通过向白宫施加巨大压力,迫使其向北京让步,破坏美国的贸易谈判。纳瓦罗还指责这些金融精英是“未注册的外国代理人”,是北京在华盛顿施加影响的一部分。

BlackRock chief Larry Fink (right) with US President Donald Trump and Wal-Mart chief Doug McMillon at the White House in 2017.Credit:Getty Images 2017年,黑石集团(BlackRock)首席拉里-芬克(右)与美国总统唐纳德-特朗普(Donald Trump)和沃尔玛(Wal-Mart)首席道格-麦克米伦(Doug McMillon)在白宫会面.Credit:Getty Images

It was strong stuff, but was there any foundation to it?

这东西很结实,但它有什么基础吗?

Beijing has been working on Wall Street for a long time. When Prime Minister Zhu Rongji visited the United States in 1999, he holed up in New York’s Astoria Hotel and spent days in back-to-back meetings with business leaders. "Zhu seems never to tire of courting Corporate America," reported The New York Times.

北京已经在华尔街深耕了很长时间。朱镕基总理于1999年访问美国时,便在纽约的阿斯托里亚酒店(Astoria Hotel)与企业领导者进行了数天的背靠背会议。 《纽约时报》报道说:“朱似乎从来不厌烦美国公司。”

The titans of US finance have for decades been guiding the nation’s China policy. Whenever presidents Clinton, Bush or Obama threatened to take a tougher stance on China’s trade protectionism, currency manipulation or technology theft, Wall Street chiefs used their influence to persuade them to back off. And it was pressure from Wall Street that proved decisive in the Clinton White House’s decision to support China’s admission to the World Trade Organisation, despite China’s serial violation of trade rules.

中国的政策。每当克林顿、布什或奥巴马总统威胁要对中国的贸易保护主义、汇率操纵或技术盗窃采取更强硬的立场时,华尔街的首脑们就会利用他们的影响力说服他们让步。尽管中国多次违反贸易规则,但来自华尔街的压力最终促使克林顿时期的白宫决定支持中国加入世界贸易组织(WTO)。

Twenty years later, The New York Times was writing: "In Washington, on Wall Street and in corporate boardrooms, Beijing has used the country’s size and promise for decades to quell opposition and reward those who helped its rise." Financial institutions have been Beijing’s most powerful advocates in Washington.

20年后,《纽约时报》(New York Times)写道:“在华盛顿、在华尔街和各大公司的董事会中,北京数十年来一直利用国家的规模和承诺压制反对意见,奖励那些帮助中国崛起的人。”金融机构一直是北京在华盛顿最有力的支持者。

The finance sector - the big banks, hedge funds and investment vehicles - is thus in the centre of the map of power in the US, and occupying pride of place is Goldman Sachs. No organization has been more important to the CCP’s campaign to penetrate US elites, or more willing. For the CCP, titans of finance are easy targets, as there’s a concordance of interests. Wall Street executives, anticipating an Eldorado when Beijing opens up its vast finance markets to foreigners, have been advising Chinese companies about which American companies to buy and lending them the money to do it, taking a cut from the sales. In the words of a senior White House official, "people who like making deals really like the Chinese Communist Party".

金融部门-大型银行,对冲基金和投资机构-处于美国权力格局的中心,占据首位的是高盛(Goldman Sachs)。 中共比任何组织都更加有意愿去渗透美国精英阶层,这对它们来说也尤为重要。 对于中共来说,金融巨人是容易完成渗透的目标,因为他们利益是一致的。 华尔街的高管们期待着中国政府向外国人开放其庞大的金融市场,他们一直在建议中国公司收购哪些美国公司,并借钱给他们,从出售中抽取分成。 用白宫一位高级官员的话来说,“喜欢做交易的人真的喜欢中国共产党。”

The CCP is pushing on an open door. But the alignment of interests may not be long term, as it’s Beijing’s intention to eventually make Shanghai the financial capital of the world, displacing New York and the City of London. As Lenin reputedly said: "The capitalists will sell us the rope with which we will hang them."

中共正在推开大门。但是,这个利益共同体可能不会长久,因为北京的目的是最终使上海成为世界金融之都,取代纽约和伦敦市。 正如列宁所说:“资本家将把用来绞死他们的绳子卖给我们。”

By 2003 Goldman Sachs "had become the lead underwriter for major Chinese state-owned companies". In 2006 Henry Paulson moved from CEO of Goldman Sachs to Treasury secretary under George W. Bush, taking with him one of the best contact books on the Chinese elite. Paulson had visited the country some seventy times. He asked the president if he could take charge of America’s China economic policy and Bush agreed.

到2003年,高盛“已成为中国大型国有企业的主承销商”。2006年,亨利•鲍尔森(Henry Paulson)从高盛(Goldman Sachs)首席执行官升任乔治•w•布什(George W. Bush)政府的财政部长,他随身带着一本关于中国精英的最好的通讯录。保尔森访问过中国大约70次。他问总统他是否能负责美国对中国的经济政策,布什同意了。

But Paulson, in the judgement of author and journalist Paul Blustein writing in Foreign Policy, screwed up. Blustein argues that if Paulson had responded more forcefully to Beijing’s currency manipulation, tight control of state-owned enterprises, mistreatment of US enterprises in China and program of technology theft, then the conditions that led to the trade war might not have arisen. Instead of recommending retaliatory actions to protect US companies, Paulson worked to head them off in Congress, proposing to hold a "Strategic Economic Dialogue" which began in December 2006. Needless to say, this gave the advantage to Beijing.

但是,作家兼记者保罗·布卢斯坦在《外交政策》上撰文指出,保尔森搞砸了。布卢斯坦认为,如果保尔森对中国政府的汇率操纵、对国有企业的严格控制、对在华美国企业的不当对待以及技术盗窃等行为做出更有力的回应,那么导致贸易战的条件可能就不会出现。保尔森没有建议采取报复性行动保护美国企业,而是在国会设法阻止它们,提议举行始于2006年12月的“战略经济对话”。不言自明,这已经给了北京当局先机。

Paulson, a good friend of Beijing’s then-mayor Wang Qishan, and already inclined to look benignly on the Party’s efforts to open up the economy, was being manipulated. The CCP was drawing him further into its inner circle, stoking his perception of his own influence. He was granted a private, one-on-one briefing with President Hu Jintao.

保尔森是北京时任市长王岐山的好朋友,已经倾向于善意地看待中共开放经济所作的努力。他不能自已,中共正在将他进一步吸收到自己的核心圈子里,激发了他对自己影响力的认识。 他获得了与胡锦涛主席的私人一对一私下会晤的机会。

After Paulson left office in 2009 - having overseen the global financial crisis, during which he phoned Wang and begged him to order a state-owned Chinese bank to bail out Bear Stearns - the Goldman Sachs alumnus set up the Paulson Institute, dedicated "to fostering a US-China relationship that serves to maintain global order".

保尔森在2009年卸任后,在监管全球金融危机。在此期间他打电话给王,恳求他下令一家国有中资银行救助贝尔斯登(Bear Stearns)——前高盛高管设立了保尔森研究所,致力于“促进维护全球秩序的美中关系”。

John Thornton is another influential graduate of Goldman Sachs. He led Goldman’s entry into China and when he retired as the bank’s chairman in 2003, he became director of the Global Leadership Program at Beijing’s Tsinghua University. Thornton is a strong supporter of the scholarship program at Tsinghua funded by billionaire investor and Trump friend Stephen Schwarzman, and he sits on the board of a number of top Chinese and American corporations. In 2006 he put his money into a new China Center at the Brookings Institution, where he is chairman of the board of trustees. In 2008 the Chinese Communist Party gave him its highest award for foreigners, the Friendship Award of the People’s Republic of China.

约翰·桑顿(John Thornton)是另一位有影响力的前高盛高层。他带领高盛进入中国,并于2003年退休,担任高盛董事长时,成为北京清华大学全球领导力计划主任。 桑顿是清华大学奖学金计划的坚定支持者,该计划由亿万富翁投资者和特朗普朋友史蒂芬·施瓦茨曼(Stephen Schwarzman)资助,他还是许多中美公司的董事会成员。 2006年,他将钱投入布鲁金斯学会新的中国中心,担任董事会主席。 2008年,中国共产党授予他外国人最高奖项,即中华人民共和国友谊奖。

This part of the Wall Street story would not be complete without mentioning the US investment fund BlackRock, the world’s largest, with $6.5 trillion worth of assets under management. In 2019 its CEO, Larry Fink, told the company’s shareholders that he planned to turn BlackRock into one of China’s leading asset managers, saying he would be ready to take advantage once Beijing opened up its capital markets to foreigners, and that he aimed to become one of the first foreign-asset managers to raise renminbi funds in China.

如果不提及美国投资基金黑石(BlackRock),这部分华尔街故事就不完整。黑石是全球最大的投资基金,管理着价值6.5万亿美元的资产。在2019年,它的首席执行官拉里•芬克告诉公司的股东,他计划将黑石发展为在中国领头资产管理公司之一。他说一旦北京向外国人开放其资本市场,他将抓住这个机会,他还打算成为第一个在中国募集人民币基金的外国资产管理公司。

While the power of Wall Street in setting China policy has been real enough, in 2017 something changed. US manufacturers decided they had had enough of their intellectual property being stolen and they were no longer willing to wait for Beijing to honour its promises to liberalise China’s economy and provide a level playing field for American firms.

尽管华尔街在制定中国政策方面的力量已经足够强大,但在2017年,一些事情发生了变化。美国制造商认为,他们已经受够了自己的知识产权被窃取,他们不再愿意等待北京兑现其开放中国经济、为美国企业提供公平竞争环境的承诺。

The US Chamber of Commerce published a report saying so, driving a wedge between finance and manufacturing, a gap that allowed the Trump administration, backed by the Democrats, to muscle up to Beijing. This prompted intensified lobbying by the finance sector and closer coordination with its allies in Beijing.

美国商会发表的一份报告称,这在金融和制造业之间产生了分歧,这种差距使特朗普政府得到了民主党的支持,向北京强硬起来。这促使金融部门加大游说力度,并与其在北京的盟友进行更紧密的协调。

The princelings of Wall Street

华尔街的太子党

Fang Fang speaking at the 21st Century Annual 2011年,方方在北京21世纪亚洲金融年度峰会上发言.Credit:APFinance Summit of Asia in Beijing in 2011.Credit:AP

The CCP has not been content to rely solely on a concordance of interests between Beijing and big finance in the West. Another important avenue of influence is the princelings - the sons and daughters of top Party leaders past and present. For years, the giant state-owned investment company CITIC has been dominated by princelings, as has China Poly Group, the conglomerate built around arms manufacturing. China’s burgeoning private equity sector is controlled by the "red aristocracy" and their children.

中共并不满足于仅仅依靠北京与西方金融大鳄之间的利益协调。 另一个重要的影响途径是太子党-过去和现在的最高党魁的儿子和女儿。 多年来,大型国有投资公司中信集团一直以太子党为主导,而围绕武器制造业而建的企业集团中国保利集团也是如此。 中国蓬勃发展的私募股权部门受“红色贵族”及其子女的控制。

For Western hedge funds, insurance companies, pension funds and banks, a prerequisite for doing business in the emerging, highly lucrative Chinese capital markets is a network of connections to the families that control the largest companies and dominate the Party hierarchy. Giving jobs to the sons, daughters, nephews and nieces of these families brings immediate guanxi, or personal networks for reciprocal benefit. The offspring need not be well qualified or even especially bright; it’s their connections that count. An ideal career path for a princeling is an undergraduate degree at a prestigious university, preferably an Ivy League college or Oxbridge, then straight onto the trading floor of a big bank or hedge fund in New York or London and after a few years there, an MBA and then a Wall Street firm.

对西方对冲基金、保险公司、养老基金和银行来说,要想在新兴的、利润丰厚的中国资本市场开展业务,一个先决条件是要与控制着最大企业和统治党的家族建立关系网,给这些家庭的儿子、女儿、侄子和侄女工作,会带来直接的关系或互惠互利的个人关系。 这些家族的后代不需要合格的条件,甚至不需要特别聪明。 至关重要的是他们的关系。 太子党的理想职业道路是,在著名的大学,最好是常春藤盟校或牛津大学攻读本科学位,然后直接进入纽约或伦敦的一家大型银行或对冲基金的交易大厅,然后在那儿呆上几年。读个 MBA,然后进入华尔街公司。

An unusual insight into how this works was provided by an inquiry by the US Securities and Exchange Commission in 2016, which led to JP Morgan paying $264 million for violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. JP Morgan had been caught hiring Chinese princelings to win business, something the commission described as "systematic bribery". The company operated what it called the Sons and Daughters Program, which provided dozens of jobs in Hong Kong, Shanghai and New York to children of the Party elite.

美国证券交易委员会(SEC)在2016年的一次调查对这种方式的工作原理做了出了不一般的理解,,导致摩根大通因违反《反海外腐败法》而支付了2.64亿美元。 摩根大通(JP Morgan)通过招募中国太子党赢得生意,该委员会称其为“系统性贿赂”。 该公司实施了所谓的“子女计划”,该计划在香港,上海和纽约为中共党内精英子女提供了数十个工作。

其中一位是中国商务部长高虎城的儿子高珏。高珏新近毕业于普渡大学,父亲和摩根大通高管威廉·戴利(William Daley)会晤后找到了工作。 (戴利曾在克林顿任职期间担任美国商务部长,并推动中国加入世界贸易组织。他后来担任奥巴马总统的办公厅主任。)

Gao Jue interviewed poorly but was offered a coveted analyst position with the bank. Prone to falling asleep at work, he was soon judged to be an "immature, irresponsible and unreliable" employee. When, as part of a general downsizing, the bank later wanted to lay him off, his father took the head of the bank’s Hong Kong office, Fang Fang, to dinner and pleaded for his son to be kept on, promising to "go extra miles" for JP Morgan in its China deals. Fang was persuaded and a senior executive in New York agreed to keep Gao Jue on, even though the executive’s own son had been laid off. Business is business. When Gao Jue was eventually let go, he took other finance jobs before winding up at Goldman Sachs.

高珏在面试中表现不佳,但最终得到了该行一个梦寐以求的分析师职位。他上班时容易打瞌睡,很快就被认为是一个“不成熟、不负责任和不可靠”的员工。其时,作为一般的裁员的一部分,银行想解雇他,他的父亲约请该银行香港负责人方方共用晚餐,恳求对他的儿子网开一面,承诺进一步促成摩根大通在中国的交易。方被说服了,纽约的一位高管同意让高珏继续工作,尽管这位高管自己的儿子被解雇了。生意就是生意。当高珏最终被解雇时,他在高盛(Goldman Sachs)做了其他金融工作。

Then-treasury secretary Henry Paulson (right) with then-president George W. Bush at a White House briefing in 2007.Credit:AP 2007年,时任财政部长亨利-保尔森(右)与时任总统乔治-布什在白宫的简报会上.Credit:AP。

There are, of course, many mainland Chinese working in US finance who are highly competent and deserve their positions, often very senior ones. Fang is one example. He graduated from the prestigious Tsinghua University in the 1980s and then studied for an MBA at Vanderbilt University in Nashville. In 1993 he took a job at Merrill Lynch, working in New York and Hong Kong, and in 2001 he began a 13-year career with JP Morgan, rising to the position of chief executive for China investment banking, based in Hong Kong. In that time he brokered the appointment of many sons and daughters to positions within the bank. He also gained intimate knowledge of the personal finances of some of China’s ruling elite. The New York Times described Fang as having a "deep network of contacts in Chinese government and business circles".

当然,有许多在美国金融领域工作的中国内地人,他们的能力很强,拥有的职位通常是非常高级的。 方是一个例子。 他于1980年代毕业于著名的清华大学,然后在纳什维尔的范德比尔特大学(Vanderbilt University)攻读MBA。 1993年,他在美林证券(Merrill Lynch)工作,在纽约和香港工作。2001年,他在摩根大通(JP Morgan)开始了13年的职业生涯,升任为中国投资银行在香港的首席执行官。 在那段时间里,他促成了许多“领导子女”在银行内任职。 他还对一些中国执政精英的个人理财知识非常了解。 《纽约时报》称方“在中国政府和企业界拥有深厚的人脉网络”。

While not CCP royalty, Fang is on very close terms with the red aristocracy. Fortune describes him as "a media-friendly executive with close ties to the Communist Party". In 2011 he founded the Hua Jing Society in Hong Kong, a social club for the children of mainland elites who had studied abroad and returned to Hong Kong. The society has been described as the Princelings’ Club and the Hong Kong branch for CCP princelings.

方不是中共皇室成员,但与红色贵族关系非常密切。 《财富》杂志将他描述为“与共产党有密切联系的亲善媒体型高管”。 2011年,他在香港成立了华菁会,这是一个为在国外学习并返回香港的内地精英子女开设的社交俱乐部。 这个团体被称为“太子党”和中共太子党香港分会。

For the CCP elite, entanglement with the masters of Wall Street through the placement of scores of princelings serves a more important purpose than employment for their kids. It is a means of gathering intelligence and exerting influence because it places its informants and agents in the heart of American power.

对于中共精英来说,通过安置几十个太子党与华尔街的大师们牵连在一起,比为孩子就业更重要。 这是一种收集情报并施加影响的方法,它将其线人和特工置于美国权力的核心。

The entire workings of a US firm may be sent back to a father or an uncle in China, along with confidential information on the personal and financial affairs of the wealthiest people in North America.

美国公司的全部运作情况,连同有关北美最富有人士的个人和财务事务的机密信息,都可能被寄回中国的父亲或叔叔。

The CCP in the City of London

中国共产党在伦敦金融城

European financial institutions were not slow to recruit princelings either. In the 2000s Deutsche Bank, Germany’s biggest, used bribes and corrupt practices to gain access to China, including showering expensive gifts on leaders, especially the family of then prime minister Wen Jiabao and then Beijing mayor Wang, today a member of the Politburo’s inner cabinet, the Standing Committee.

欧洲金融机构也没有在招募太子党方面落后于人。 在2000年的第一个十年,德国最大的德意志银行利用贿赂和腐败进入中国市场,包括向领导人,特别是时任总理温家宝以及当时的北京市长王岐山的家人送去昂贵的礼物,今天,他是政治局内阁成,常务委员会委员。

In 2009 Deutsche Bank beat JP Morgan to a deal because it had employed the daughter of the client’s chairman. The bank also had an active program of employing the children of powerful officials. Among them was the son of then propaganda minister Liu Yunshan, and one of the daughters of Li Zhanshu - now one of the seven on the Standing Committee - even though both were rated unsuitable for the job.

2009年,德意志银行(Deutsche Bank)击败了JP Morgan(JP摩根),因为它雇用了客户“主席“的女儿。 该银行还制定了一项积极的计划,聘请有权势官员的子女。 他们当中包括当时的宣传部长刘云山的儿子,以及栗战书的一个女儿。栗战书现在是常务委员会的七个委员之一。尽管两人都被认为不适合担任这份工作。

In Zurich, Credit Suisse employed Wen’s daughter. Credit Suisse kept a spreadsheet that tracked princeling hires against how much money they brought in. It hired over 100 sons, daughters and friends of senior government officials. One "princess" was employed after Credit Suisse bankers helped massage her resume. Once on the payroll, she often didn’t show up for work. When she did, she was judged "rude and unprofessional" and sometimes brought her mother with her. Nevertheless, she was paid $US1 million a year and given a number of promotions because her family awarded deals to the bank. (In 2018 Credit Suisse agreed to pay $US77 million to US authorities to avoid prosecution on bribery charges.)

在苏黎世,瑞士信贷聘用了温家宝的女儿。 瑞士信贷(Credit Suisse)保留了一个电子表格,该电子表格可追踪太子党雇员的收入状况。该电子表格记录雇用了100多个政府高级官员的儿子,女儿和朋友。 瑞士信贷银行家帮助“一位公主”打磨她的履历后,她被雇用了。 有了薪水后,她常常不上班。 当她这样做的时候,她被判为“粗鲁和不专业”,有时还会带上她的母亲到公司。 不过,由于她的家人将一笔交易授予了银行,她每年的报酬为100万美元,并获得了许多晋升。 (2018年,瑞士信贷同意向美国当局支付7700万美元,以避免因贿赂罪被起诉。)

While the placement of princelings and promises of access to China’s huge financial market have been the foremost avenue of influence in Wall Street, in the City of London the situation is different.

在华尔街安置太子党和进入中国庞大金融市场的承诺一直是中共施加影响力的最主要途径,而在伦敦金融城,情况却有所不同。

London’s financial district - the square mile known as the City of London, or simply the City - is also the financial hub of Europe, giving big finance an inordinate influence in British politics.

伦敦金融区——被称为伦敦金融城,或简称金融城——也是欧洲的金融中心,这使大型金融机构对英国政治产生了过度的影响。

Hidden Hand by Clive Hamilton and Mareike Ohlberg. 隐藏的手。克莱夫-汉密尔顿和Mareike Ohlberg.

Brexit has many wondering whether the City can retain its dominant position or will be displaced by its rivals in Frankfurt or even Paris. The mandarins of the City have been working hard to ensure its pre-eminence, which provides a golden opportunity for Beijing.

英国脱欧令许多人感到疑惑,伦敦市能否保持其主导地位,还是会被法兰克福甚至巴黎这些竞争对手所取代。 伦敦市的显贵们一直在努力确保其显赫地位,这为北京提供了千载难逢的机会。

It would be an exaggeration to say that if Beijing could control the City it could control Britain, but not a large one. An ominous, if small, sign of the influence Beijing already wields came in May 2019 when the City of London Corporation, the district’s municipal government, banned Taiwan’s office in London from contributing a float to the annual lord mayor’s parade.

如果说北京控制了这座城市,它就可以控制英国是夸张的说法的话,它夸张的并不多。一个不祥的北京已经施加了影响的征兆,在2019年五月就显现了,尽管它还是件小事:伦敦金融城所在地的市政府禁止台湾驻伦敦办公室为一年一度的市长游行捐赠花车。

Today the City of London Corporation can’t get enough of China. In March 2019, two months before he banned Taiwan’s float in his parade, Lord Mayor Peter Estlin joined a delegation to China to promote "fintech and green finance" links, along with the City’s role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While there, Estlin talked about the important part the City plays in China’s success. Interviewed on Phoenix TV, he revealed that the City would be hosting a banquet the following September to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the People’s Republic. The lord mayor praised the BRI’s "win-win culture" and said he sees the City playing a vital role in helping to finance "a fantastic initiative" and a "very exciting" vision.

如今,伦敦金融城(City of London Corporation)已无法摆脱中国市场。 2019年3月,就在他禁止台湾人参加游行的两个月前,市长彼得·埃斯特林(Peter Estlin)率团前往中国,促进“金融科技与绿色金融”的联系,以及该市在“一带一路”倡议中的作用。 在那里,埃斯特林谈到了伦敦市在中国的成功中扮演的重要角色。 他在凤凰卫视电视台上接受采访时透露,伦敦市将于次年9月举行宴会,庆祝中华人民共和国成立70周年。 这位市长赞扬了“一带一路”倡议的“双赢文化”,并说他看到伦敦市在帮助资助“一项出色的倡议”和“一个非常令人兴奋的”愿景方面发挥着至关重要的作用。

The delegation was led by John McLean, a board member of the China-Britain Business Council, who declared that "London is open for business for Chinese financial and tech companies". Earlier in 2019 the chair of the City of London’s policy committee, Catherine McGuinness, welcomed the launch of the global edition of the CCP’s China Daily, noting that the paper "is based in the Square Mile and is a good friend of the City of London Corporation".

代表团由中英商业委员会董事会成员约翰·麦克莱恩(John McLean)率领,他宣布“伦敦对中国金融和科技公司开放营业”。 2019年初,伦敦市政策委员会主席凯瑟琳·麦吉尼斯(Catherine McGuinness)欢迎中共《中国日报》全球版的发布,并指出该报“总部位于伦敦金融城,是伦敦政府的好朋友”。

编辑:【喜马拉雅战鹰团】Edited by:【Himalaya Hawk Squad】